P(reposition)-stranding is typologically rare. Nevertheless, many languages exhibit phenomena that look like P-stranding (Campos 1991, Poplack, Zentz, and Dion 2012) or involve P-stranding under common theorizing (see Philippova 2014 and references therein). These studies argue that these are not instances of P-complement movement and provide alternative analyses. This squib addresses Russian prepositions that can be postposed to and apparently stranded by their dependents. They are proposed to be PPs rather than P-heads, with dative dependents adjoined similarly to external possessors. The analysis captures all idiosyncrasies of their nominal dependents and alleviates the need to posit exceptional P-stranding in Russian.

P(reposition)-stranding 在类型学上是罕见的。然而，许多语言表现出看起来像 P 链（Campos 1991，Poplack，Zentz 和 Dion 2012）或在共同理论下涉及 P 链的现象（参见 Philippova 2014 和其中的参考资料）。这些研究认为这些不是 P 补体运动的实例，并提供了替代分析。这个爆管解决了俄语介词，这些介词可以被置于他们的家属身上，并且显然被他们的家属搁浅。它们被提议为 PPs 而不是 P-heads，与格的依附者类似地与外部占有者相邻。该分析捕获了他们名义上的家属的所有特质，并减轻了在俄语中假设特殊 P-stranding 的需要。