The articles in this special issue of JSAM originated as contributions to a seminar session at the 2017 SAM conference in Montréal. After meeting a growing number of music scholars who were researching festivals from a variety of disciplinary and methodological orientations over the prior five years, I wanted to provide a forum for festival research at SAM that went beyond a standard conference paper. As a contemporary popular music scholar and ethnomusicologist, much of the research I was encountering examined modern pop festivals, particularly those situated in Western neoliberal capitalist contexts: the rise of massive (and massively profitable) electronic dance music (or EDM) events, the importance of festivals in the live music economy, or the “festivalization of culture” discourse, for example. Festivals are big business in EDM, rock, and pop music, as music industry scholars and pop culture observers have been telling us since at least the early 2000s. Mythic events loom large in popular music’s history: Bob Dylan unplugging at Newport in 1965; the US debuts of the Jimi Hendrix Experience, Ravi Shankar, and the Who at Monterey Pop in 1967; the romantic utopia of Woodstock in 1969, later undermined by the violence at Woodstock 1999 and the cancellation of Woodstock 50 in 2019; and the tragic violence at the Altamont Speedway at the end of 1969. The popularity of annual destination events in Europe in the 1980s (such as Glastonbury, Isle of Wight, Reading and Leeds, Rock im Park, and Roskilde) and touring festivals in the United States in the 1990s (such as Lilith Fair, Lollapalooza’s first iteration, Ozzfest, and Warped Tour) set precedents for the emergence of massive events like Bonnaroo, Coachella, Electric Daisy Carnival, Lollapalooza’s current iteration, Ultra, and others. Although sales of recorded music declined in the early 2000s, and revenue from digital downloads and streaming have never fully compensated for that drop, the success of festivals indicates that fans and listeners are still passionate consumers of music. Major festivals—many of which are as much fashion and social events as they are music events—have become important sources of income for performing artists and sites of music industry gatekeeping. This narrative represents the popular perception of music festivals. But music festival studies have much more to teach us beyond the health of entertainment industries under neoliberal capitalism. Festivals existed before Newport and Woodstock; they exist for genres other than EDM, rock, and pop; they support small scenes as well as host the largest audiences; and not all festivals are focused on profit. First at the seminar in Montréal and now in this special issue of JSAM, my overarching goal

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简介：节日与音乐生活

本 JSAM 特刊中的文章最初是对 2017 年蒙特利尔 SAM 会议研讨会的贡献。在会见了越来越多的音乐学者，他们在过去五年中从各种学科和方法论方向研究节日，我想为 SAM 提供一个超越标准会议论文的节日研究论坛。作为一名当代流行音乐学者和民族音乐学家，我遇到的大部分研究都考察了现代流行音乐节，尤其是那些位于西方新自由主义资本主义背景下的音乐节：大规模（且利润丰厚）电子舞曲（或 EDM）活动的兴起、重要性例如，现场音乐经济中的节日，或“文化节日化”的话语。音乐节是 EDM、摇滚、和流行音乐，至少从 2000 年代初开始，音乐产业学者和流行文化观察家就一直在告诉我们。流行音乐史上的神话事件隐约可见：鲍勃·迪伦 (Bob Dylan) 于 1965 年在纽波特拔掉插头；Jimi Hendrix Experience、Ravi Shankar 和 Who at Monterey Pop 于 1967 年在美国首次亮相；1969 年伍德斯托克的浪漫乌托邦，后来被 1999 年伍德斯托克的暴力事件和 2019 年伍德斯托克 50 的取消所破坏；以及 1969 年底 Altamont Speedway 的悲剧性暴力事件。 1980 年代欧洲年度目的地活动（如格拉斯顿伯里、怀特岛、雷丁和利兹、Rock im Park 和 Roskilde）的流行以及欧洲的巡回节日1990 年代的美国（例如 Lilith Fair、Lollapalooza 的第一次迭代、Ozzfest、和 Warped Tour）为诸如 Bonnaroo、Coachella、Electric Daisy Carnival、Lollapalooza 的当前迭代、Ultra 等大型活动的出现开创了先例。尽管录制音乐的销售额在 2000 年代初有所下降，数字下载和流媒体的收入从未完全弥补这一下降，但音乐节的成功表明歌迷和听众仍然是音乐的热情消费者。重大节日——其中许多既是音乐活动又是时尚和社交活动——已成为表演艺术家的重要收入来源和音乐行业的守门人。这种叙事代表了大众对音乐节的看法。但除了新自由资本主义下娱乐业的健康之外，音乐节研究还有更多东西可以教给我们。在纽波特和伍德斯托克之前就存在节日；它们存在于除 EDM、摇滚和流行之外的其他类型；他们支持小场景并承载最大的观众；并不是所有的节日都专注于利润。首先是在蒙特利尔的研讨会上，现在是在 JSAM 的这个特刊上，我的首要目标