Abstract:The present experiment was designed to open a discussion on the processing of anaphoric clitics in Croatian. The aim of the experiment was to examine the role of long-distance anaphoric relations and local structural case constraints during pronoun interpretation. On-line processing of cliticized direct-object pronouns embedded in a sentence context was examined using the event-related potential (ERP) technique. Pronominal clitics were either morphologically correct or incorrect. Incorrect pronoun forms contained a gender violation, a case violation, or a violation of both gender and case. Electrophysiological response to each of the violation types was measured at the clitic site and at the sentence-final word and compared to activity in the control condition. The results indicate that, as attested in previous studies in other languages, there are functional and temporal differences between the processing of gender and case violations in pronouns. Whereas gender violations elicit late positivity, i.e., the component related to the processing of syntactic difficulties, case violations elicit a biphasic response in the form of early negativity followed by late positivity. A similar ERP effect is observed with double violations as well, albeit with a different distribution of the early negativity. The appearance of early negativities with case violations confirms previous findings on the rapidity of local syntactic processing as compared to the processing of long-distance anaphoric dependencies. At the end of the sentence, the typical wrap-up effect that reflects final semantic integration is replaced by the component related to syntactic reanalysis and repair.

中文翻译：

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克罗地亚语中的对象-Clitic 协议：ERP 研究*

摘要：本实验旨在展开对克罗地亚语中指代跟词的处理的讨论。实验的目的是检验长距离照应关系和局部结构格约束在代词解释过程中的作用。使用事件相关电位 (ERP) 技术检查嵌入在句子上下文中的cliticized 直接宾语代词的在线处理。代词 clitics 要么在形态上正确，要么不正确。不正确的代词形式包含违反性别、违反案例或违反性别和案例。对每种违规类型的电生理反应在阴蒂部位和句子最后一个词进行测量，并与控制条件下的活动进行比较。结果表明，正如之前其他语言的研究所证明的那样，代词中的性别处理和大小写违规之间存在功能和时间差异。性别侵犯引发后期积极性，即与句法困难处理相关的组成部分，而案例违反引发早期消极性和后期积极性形式的双相反应。在双重违规中也观察到类似的 ERP 效应，尽管早期消极性的分布不同。与案例违规的早期否定性的出现证实了先前关于本地句法处理速度与长距离照应依赖处理相比的发现。在句末，典型的反映最终语义整合的总结效应被与句法再分析和修复相关的成分所取代。