By analyzing the little-studied sermons of Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter 1161–84, against the backdrop of archival sources for the history of the city of Exeter, this article examines the bishop’s relationship with his cathedral city. Charitable activities in twelfth-century Exeter involved co-operation among urban lay elites, the secular clergy, religious houses and the bishop himself. Bartholomew preached regularly to lay audiences at Exeter cathedral. His sermons endeavoured to engage local interests and emphasized the importance of charitable works. This article points toward a broader understanding of the ways in which a twelfthcentury bishop might converse with his subjects by responding to, and cultivating, local religious cultures. Writing in the twelve-thirties, the chronicler Roger de Wendover recorded in his Flores Historiarum a story about Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter from 1161 to 1184. According to Wendover, Bartholomew was out on a visitation of his diocese and stopped in an unnamed village overnight, lodging in a house near the village cemetery. During the night, he was disturbed by the voices of children wailing: ‘Alas for us! Alas for us! Who will give alms and pray for us now, or celebrate masses for us?’ The bishop sent his chamberlain out to search for a light; the chamberlain returned reporting that a man of the village has just died, and that the villagers were mourning because the man used to keep a priest in his house to say masses and prayers for the dead. The man had been ‘a father to orphans and a consolation to the wretched, one who spent his income on the poor and practiced hospitality while he lived’. The following day, after consulting with the villagers, Bartholomew provided an endowment so that the priest whom the dead man used to pay could continue to celebrate masses.1 At first glance, the story looks like a more or less standard iteration of ‘ideal bishop’ tropes. But evidence from Exeter during Bartholomew’s episcopate suggests that elements of Wendover’s report – the initiative of a pious layman, the importance of charity towards the poor and deceased, and, most importantly, the bishop’s responsiveness – may actually ref lect Bartholomew of Exeter’s relationship with certain social groups of his cathedral city. 1 Roger de Wendover, Flores Historiarum, ed. H. G. Hewlett (Rolls ser., lxxxiv, 3 vols., 1886–9), i. 18–20. * An earlier version of this article was presented at the conference ‘Shaping the officer: communities and practices of accountability in premodern Europe’ at the German Historical Institute, London, 8–10 Nov. 2017. The author is grateful to those who offered comments at this conference, as well as to this journal’s anonymous reviewers. D ow naded rom http/academ ic.p.com /histres/articlect/92/256/267/5603417 by gest on 13 Feruary 2020 268 The cultivation of charity in twelfth-century Exeter © 2019 Institute of Historical Research Historical Research, vol. 92, no. 256 (May 2019) Scholarship on bishops of the central middle ages has flourished in the past two decades.2 Once seen from a largely institutional perspective – as more or less efficient cogs in an emergent ‘papal monarchy’, either championing papal reforms or colluding with secular rulers – bishops are now portrayed as multifaceted pastors, patrons, lords and politicians whose actions must be analyzed in regional, diocesan and even urban contexts. Bishops drew on religious imagery, ideology and tradition to create, collectively, an ‘episcopal culture’; at the same time, they strategized and responded to political, social and economic forces in their localities. Historians have tracked episcopal relationships with local communities through the lenses of palace architecture, tithing and clothing, to name just a few examples.3 They have also documented many examples of bishops supporting hospitals and other works of charity, participating alongside lay people and religious in localized ‘spiritual economies’.4 Charity is in many ways an ideal lens through which to view a late twelfth-century English bishop interacting with his cathedral city.5 A preoccupation of theologians around the turn of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, charity was particularly associated with the model bishop.6 But it was also inherently social, and therefore local – an activity and a value with which bishops, lay people, secular clergy and religious alike could meaningfully engage. Hospitals multiplied in twelfthand thirteenth-century England, established and supported by lords, bishops, religious institutions, lay individuals and civic groups.7 Another manifestation of charity could be participation in a guild or 2 See, in particular, E. Palazzo, L’Êvêque et son image: L’illustration du Pontifical au Moyen Âge (Turnhout, 1999); M. C. Miller, The Bishop’s Palace: Architecture and Authority in Medieval Italy (Ithaca, N.Y., 2000); G. Albertoni, Die Herrschaft des Bischofs: Macht und Gesellschaft zwischen Etsch und Inn im Mittelalter (9.–11. Jahrhuntert) (Bolzano, 2003); The Bishop: Power and Piety at the First Millennium, ed. S. Gilsdorf (Munich, 2004); The Bishop Reformed: Studies of Episcopal Power and Culture in the Central Middle Ages, ed. J. S. Ott and A. T. Jones (Aldershot, 2007); M. F. Giandrea, Episcopal Culture in Late Anglo-Saxon England (Woodbridge, 2007); S. Pazold, Episcopus: Wissen über Bischöfe im Frankenreich des späten 8. bis frühen 10. Jahrhunderts (Ostfildern, 2008); A. T. Jones, Noble Lord, Good Shepherd: Episcopal Power and Piety in Aquitaine, 877–1050 (Leiden, 2009); T. Reuter, ‘A Europe of bishops: the age of Wulfstan of York and Burchard of Worms’, in Patterns of Episcopal Power: Bishops in 10th and 11th Century Western Europe, ed. L. Körntgen and D. Wassenhoven (Berlin, 2011); J. Eldevik, Episcopal Power and Ecclesiastical Reform in the German Empire: Tithes, Lordship, and Community, 950–1150 (Cambridge, 2012); J. S. Ott, Bishops, Authority and Community in Northwestern Europe, c.1050–1150 (Cambridge, 2015). Despite dealing with a much earlier period, C. Rapp, Holy Bishops in Late Antiquity: the Nature of Christian Leadership in an Age of Transformation (Berkeley, Calif., 2005), has also been an important inf luence. 3 Miller; Eldevik; Ott, pp. 72–8. 4 This analytical framework is used by S. Sweetinburgh in The Role of the Hospital in Medieval England: Gift-Giving and the Spiritual Economy (Dublin, 2004). J. W. Brodman, Charity and Welfare: Hospitals and the Poor in Medieval Catalonia (Philadelphia, Pa., 1998), pp. 8–18; N. Orme and M. Webster, The English Hospital, 1070–1570 (New Haven, Conn., 1995), p. 34; C. Rawcliffe, Medicine for the Soul: the Life, Death and Resurrection of an English Medieval Hospital (Stroud, 1999), esp. chs. 2, 5; S. C. Watson, ‘City as charter: charity and the lordship of English towns, 1170–1250’, in Cities, Texts and Social Networks, 400–1500: Experiences and Perceptions of Medieval Urban Space, ed. C. Goodson, A. E. Lester and C. Symes (Farnham, 2010), pp. 235–62, at pp. 235–49; S. M. Brasher, Hospitals and Charity: Religious Culture and Civic Life in Medieval Northern Italy (Manchester, 2017). A. Brown, Popular Piety in Late Medieval England: the Diocese of Salisbury (Oxford, 1995), esp. ch. 2, paints a nuanced picture of both connections and tensions between lay people and the cathedral. 5 An example is Sethina Watson’s insightful comparison of the hosptial foundations of Reginald, bishop of Wells 1174–91, and Jocelin, bishop of Bath and Wells 1206–42, ‘The bishop and his cathedral cities’, in Jocelin of Wells: Bishop, Builder, Courtier, ed. R. Dunning (Woodbridge, 2010), pp. 67–98, at pp. 90–8. 6 J. W. Brodman, Charity and Religion in Medieval Europe (Washington, D.C., 2009), pp. 9–44; S. Hamilton, Church and People in the Medieval West, 900–1200 (Harlow, 2013), pp. 92–3. 7 M. Rubin, Charity and Community in Medieval Cambridge (Cambridge, 1987); Orme and Webster, ch. 1; Sweetinburgh; S. C. Watson, ‘The origins of the English hospital’, Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., 6th ser., xvi (2006), 75–94; S. C. Watson, ‘The sources for English hospitals 1100 to 1400’, in Quellen zur europäischen Spitalgeschichte in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, ed. M. Scheutz and others (Vienna, 2010), pp. 65–103; D. X. Carpenter, ‘Harehope hospital and the arrival of the Order of St. Lazarus in England’, Northern History, liv (2017), 3–14. D ow naded rom http/academ ic.p.com /histres/articlect/92/256/267/5603417 by gest on 13 Feruary 2020 The cultivation of charity in twelfth-century Exeter 269 Historical Research, vol. 92, no. 256 (May 2019) © 2019 Institute of Historical Research fraternity, or the endowment of anniversary masses and other intercessory prayers.8 These associations facilitated contact and influence, not only among lay members, but between citizens, clergy and, as we shall see, the local bishop. This article analyzes the city of Exeter’s relationship with Bishop Bartholomew as an example of how a bishop might forge connections with local communities, in this case by responding to and cultivating an enthusiasm for charity. In order to do this, it begins with the community itself. It examines the practice of charity and the provision of intercessory prayer in the context of religious life in twelfth-century Exeter, arguing that charitable activities depended on and strengthened co-operation among urban lay elites, the secular clergy, religious houses and, crucially, the bishop himself. Then, by analyzing the form and content of Bartholomew of Exeter’s sermons, the article demonstrates that the bishop preached regularly to lay and mixed audiences in Exeter, particularly around the city’s more important feasts. In his sermons, Bartholomew addressed his listeners not only through engaging rhetoric and emotional appeal, but by offering practical advice and encouragement for acts of charity. Focusing on the importance of charity in Exeter leads toward a broader understanding of the way a t

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巴塞洛缪的埃克塞特布道与 12 世纪埃克塞特的慈善培育

本文通过分析埃克塞特主教巴塞洛缪在 1161-84 年间鲜有研究的讲道，以埃克塞特市历史的档案资料为背景，考察主教与他的大教堂城市的关系。十二世纪埃克塞特的慈善活动涉及城市平信徒精英、世俗神职人员、宗教机构和主教本人之间的合作。巴塞洛缪定期在埃克塞特大教堂为平信徒布道。他的布道努力吸引当地利益，并强调慈善工作的重要性。本文旨在更广泛地理解 12 世纪的主教可能通过回应和培养当地宗教文化与他的臣民交谈的方式。写于十二三十年代，编年史家罗杰·德·温多弗 (Roger de Wendover) 在他的《弗洛雷斯历史》(Flores Historiarum) 中记录了一个关于 1161 年至 1184 年间埃克塞特主教巴塞洛缪的故事。 据温多弗说，巴塞洛缪外出探访他的教区，并在一个未命名的村庄停留了一夜，住在附近的一所房子里。村公墓。夜里，他被孩子们的哭声所困扰：“我们的天啊！唉！现在谁来为我们布施祈祷，或为我们举行弥撒？主教派他的侍从出去寻找光明；管家回来报告说，村里的一个人刚刚死了，村民们正在哀悼，因为这个人过去常常在家里放一位牧师为死者做弥撒和祈祷。这个人曾是“孤儿的父亲，是可怜人的安慰，一个将收入花在穷人身上并在他活着的时候热情好客的人”。第二天，在与村民协商后，巴塞洛缪提供了一笔捐赠，以便死者曾经支付的牧师可以继续庆祝群众。1 乍一看，这个故事或多或少是“理想主教”的标准迭代'比喻。但是在巴塞洛缪担任主教期间来自埃克塞特的证据表明，温多弗报告的要素——虔诚的外行的主动性、对穷人和死者施舍的重要性，以及最重要的是主教的回应——实际上可能反映了埃克塞特与某些人的关系。他的大教堂城市的社会团体。1 Roger de Wendover，Flores Historiarum，编辑。HG Hewlett (Rolls ser., Lxxxiv, 3 vols., 1886–9), i. 18-20。* 本文的早期版本于 2017 年 11 月 8 日至 10 日在伦敦德国历史研究所举行的“塑造官员：前现代欧洲的社区和问责制实践”会议上发表。作者感谢提供评论的人在本次会议上，以及本刊的匿名审稿人。Dow naded rom http/academ ic.p.com/histres/articlect/92/256/267/5603417 by gest on 13 Feruary 2020 268 12 世纪埃克塞特的慈善培育 © 2019 Institute of Historical Research 历史研究，卷. 92，没有。256（2019 年 5 月）在过去的二十年中，关于中世纪主教的奖学金蓬勃发展。2 曾经从很大程度上从制度的角度来看 - 作为新兴的“教皇君主制”中或多或少有效率的齿轮，要么支持教皇改革，要么与世俗统治者勾结——主教现在被描绘成多方面的牧师、赞助人、领主和政治家，他们的行为必须在地区、教区甚至城市背景下进行分析。主教们利用宗教意象、意识形态和传统，共同创造了一种“主教文化”；与此同时，他们制定战略并应对当地的政治、社会和经济力量。历史学家通过宫殿建筑、什一奉献和服装等镜头追踪主教与当地社区的关系，仅举几例。 3 他们还记录了许多主教支持医院和其他慈善事业的例子，与世俗人士和宗教人士一起参与本地化的“精神经济”。4 慈善在许多方面都是一个理想的镜头，通过它可以观察 12 世纪晚期的英国主教与他的大教堂城市的互动。5 慈善是十二世纪和十三世纪之交的神学家的当务之急，与模范主教特别相关。 6 但它本质上也是社会性的，因此是地方性的——主教、平信徒、世俗神职人员和宗教人士都可以有意义地参与的活动和价值。十二世纪的英格兰，医院成倍增加，由领主、主教、宗教机构、非专业人士和民间团体建立和支持。7 慈善的另一种表现形式可能是参加行会或 2 尤其参见 E. Palazzo, L ' Êvêque et son image: L'illustration du Pontifical au Moyen Âge (Turnhout, 1999); MC Miller，主教宫：中世纪意大利的建筑与权威（纽约州伊萨卡，2000 年）；G. Albertoni, Die Herrschaft des Bischofs: Macht und Gesellschaft zwischen Etsch und Inn im Mittelalter (9. – 11. Jahrhuntert) (Bolzano, 2003)；主教：第一个千年的权力和虔诚，编辑。S. Gilsdorf（慕尼黑，2004 年）；改革宗主教：中世纪中央主教权力和文化研究，编辑。JS Ott 和 AT Jones（奥尔德肖特，2007 年）；MF Giandrea，晚期盎格鲁撒克逊英格兰的主教文化（伍德布里奇，2007 年）；S. Pazard, Episcopus: Wissen über Bischöfe im Frankenreich des späten 8. bis frühen 10. Jahrhunderts (Ostfildern, 2008)；AT 琼斯，高贵的领主，好牧人：阿基坦的主教权力和虔诚，877-1050 年（莱顿，2009 年）；T. Reuter，“主教的欧洲：约克的沃尔夫斯坦和沃尔姆斯伯查德的时代”，在《主教权力模式》中：10 世纪和 11 世纪西欧的主教，编辑。L. Körntgen 和 D. Wassenhoven（柏林，2011 年）；J. Eldevik，德意志帝国的主教权力和教会改革：什一税、领主和社区，950-1150（剑桥，2012 年）；JS Ott，西北欧的主教、权威和社区，约 1050-1150 年（剑桥，2015 年）。尽管处理更早的时期，C. Rapp 的《古代晚期的圣主教：转型时代基督教领导的本质》（加利福尼亚州伯克利，2005 年）也产生了重要影响。3 米勒；埃尔德维克；奥特，第 72-8。4 S. Sweetinburgh 在《中世纪英格兰医院的作用：赠与与精神经济》（都柏林，2004 年）中使用了这一分析框架。JW Brodman，《慈善与福利：中世纪加泰罗尼亚的医院和穷人》（宾夕法尼亚州费城，1998 年），第 3 页。8-18；N. Orme 和 M. Webster，英国医院，1070-1570 年（康涅狄格州纽黑文，1995 年），第 3 页。3. 4; C. Rawcliffe，灵魂之药：英国中世纪医院的生、死和复活（Stroud，1999 年），特别是。chs。2、5；SC Watson，“城市作为宪章：慈善和英国城镇的主权，1170-1250”，在城市、文本和社交网络，400-1500：中世纪城市空间的经验和感知，编辑。C. Goodson、AE Lester 和 C. Symes（法纳姆，2010 年），pp. 235–62，第 2 页。235-49；SM Brasher，医院和慈善机构：中世纪意大利北部的宗教文化和公民生活（曼彻斯特，2017 年）。A. 布朗，中世纪晚期英格兰的流行虔诚：索尔兹伯里教区（牛津，1995 年），特别是。通道 2，描绘了平信徒与大教堂之间的联系和紧张关系的微妙画面。5 一个例子是 Sethina Watson 对 1174-91 年威尔斯主教雷金纳德和 1206-42 年巴斯和威尔斯主教乔斯林的医院基金会的深刻比较，“主教和他的大教堂城市”，威尔斯的乔斯林：主教， Builder, Courtier, ed. R. 邓宁 (Woodbridge, 2010), pp. 67-98，第 90-8。6 JW Brodman，中世纪欧洲的慈善与宗教（华盛顿特区，2009 年），第 1 页。9-44；S. Hamilton，《中世纪西部的教会与人》，900-1200（Harlow，2013 年），pp. 92-3。7 M. Rubin，中世纪剑桥的慈善与社区（剑桥，1987 年）；奥姆和韦伯斯特，ch。1; 斯威丁堡；SC Watson，“英国医院的起源”，Trans。皇家历史。Soc., 6th ser., Xvi (2006), 75-94; SC Watson，“1100 年至 1400 年英国医院的来源”，位于 Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit 的 Quellen zur europäischen Spitalgeschichte，编。M. Scheutz 等人（维也纳，2010 年），pp. 65-103；DX Carpenter，“Harehope 医院和英国圣拉撒路勋章的到来”，Northern History，liv (2017)，3-14。Dow naded rom http/academy ic.p.com/histres/articlect/92/256/267/5603417 by gest on 13 Feruary 2020 12 世纪埃克塞特的慈善培育 269 历史研究，卷。92，没有。256（2019 年 5 月）© 2019 历史研究所兄弟会，或周年弥撒和其他代祷的捐赠。8 这些协会促进了接触和影响，不仅在平信徒之间，而且在公民、神职人员之间，正如我们将看到的，当地主教。本文分析了埃克塞特市与巴塞洛缪主教的关系，作为主教如何与当地社区建立联系的一个例子，在这种情况下，通过回应和培养对慈善的热情。为了做到这一点，它从社区本身开始。它考察了 12 世纪埃克塞特宗教生活背景下的慈善实践和代祷的提供，认为慈善活动依赖并加强了城市平信徒精英、世俗神职人员、宗教机构之间的合作，至关重要的是，主教本人。然后，通过分析埃克塞特巴塞洛缪布道的形式和内容，文章表明主教定期向埃克塞特的平信徒和混合听众讲道，尤其是在该市最重要的节日前后。在他的布道中，巴塞洛缪不仅通过引人入胜的修辞和情感诉求向听众发表讲话，而且还通过为慈善行为提供实用的建议和鼓励。