ABSTRACT Russian experiencer-subject reflexive verbs of emotion vary greatly in the syntactic encoding of their stimuli: poražatʹsja ‘be astonished’ takes the dative case, while obižat’sja ‘feel offended’ takes na ‘on’ + the accusative case, etc. Based on data from the Russian National Corpus, we show that, despite synchronic variegation, many reflexive verbs have been undergoing a unidirectional drift during the last three centuries: the instrumental encoding of the stimulus has gradually been giving way to lexically determined patterns. The use of the instrumental was motivated by its semantic profile: it was closely associated with the meaning of cause. This syntactic change echoes changes in the construal of the stimulus, whereby its cause-like components weaken and its content-like components come to the fore. The evidence in favour of this hypothesis includes the semantic differences between the instrumental case and the relevant encoding devices, a gradual decrease in the proportion of stimuli that are inanimate, the development of emotive meanings on the basis of physical meanings in individual verbs and lexicalization by which reflexive verbs become emancipated from their transitive counterparts. Semantic and syntactic scenarios in the development of reflexive verbs are later partially replicated by corresponding periphrastic participial constructions.

中文翻译：

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俄语情感反身动词历时的工具案例：从原因到内容

摘要 俄语的情感体验者-主语反身动词在其刺激的句法编码方面差异很大：poražatʹsja 'be astonished'采用与格，而obižat'sja'feel offed'采用na 'on'+宾格等。根据来自俄罗斯国家语料库的数据，我们表明，尽管存在同步变化，但在过去的三个世纪中，许多反身动词一直在经历单向漂移：刺激的工具性编码逐渐让位于词汇决定的模式。使用工具的动机是它的语义特征：它与原因的含义密切相关。这种句法变化与刺激结构的变化相呼应，其原因类成分减弱，内容类成分突出。支持这一假设的证据包括工具格和相关编码设备之间的语义差异、无生命刺激的比例逐渐减少、基于个体动词物理意义的情感意义的发展以及通过哪些反身动词从它们的及物动词中解放出来。反身动词发展中的语义和句法场景后来被相应的周边分词结构部分复制。在个别动词的物理意义和词汇化的基础上发展情感意义，从而使反身动词从其及物动词中解放出来。反身动词发展中的语义和句法场景后来被相应的周边分词结构部分复制。在个别动词的物理意义和词汇化的基础上发展情感意义，从而使反身动词从其及物动词中解放出来。反身动词发展中的语义和句法场景后来被相应的周边分词结构部分复制。