Since the late 1980s, we witnessed vigorous attempts to bury the Soviet intelligentsia along with Soviet literature. Some efforts along these lines were truly inspired (Anninsky, 1992; Yampolsky, 1991). And yet, forecasts about the imminent demise of Russian intelligentsia have proved premature. Plenty of people still identify themselves with this vaunted group. Some go out of their way to sell their services to the official authorities, to Vladimir Putin – the surprising monarch that emerged after breakup of the Soviet Union. Others, still in self-criticism mode, agitate against the reigning powers and official establishment or sport a decidedly apolitical attitude. Then there are those who enjoy a cozy relationship with the establishment and milk it to their advantage. Structurally, the situation uncannily resembles the one that prevailed in the Soviet era (Beyrau, 1993). The notion that the intelligenty will transform themselves into pragmatic intellectuals – a common assumption in the 1990s – didn’t pan out (Kordonsky, 1994). The intelligentsia is still very much with us, even though it has adapted to the circumstances. It’s been at least a hundred-fifty years since basic literacy has secured a foothold in Russia, but the conflict between faith and reason continues unabated. And the feeling appears to be winning over the intellect. In1866, Tyutchev memorably quipped that you cannot fathom Russia without applying its unique measuring rod – arshin – which almost no one of my acquaintances is able to identify with any precision. Hence, the continued befuddlement on the part of those trying to understand Russia and its intelligentsia in rational terms. That Tyutchev formula – ‘Reason fails those who seek to fathom Russia’ – still rules the day can be gleaned from the political slogan made popular in the 1996 election, ‘Vote with your heart.’ There is a kind of self-serving condescension lurking behind the tired wisdoms of intelligenty: ‘If you have to explain, you have already failed,’ ‘You’ve got to figure this out on your own,’ ‘People won’t understand if we attempt this.’ Do nothing, however, excuse your idleness as virtue, and people will not only understand but also sympathize with you. The intelligenty are more likely to get a pass for its feeblemindedness amidst the harsh realities of Russia. Don’t they love their poor country and its people? That alone should have dissuaded Lenin from complaining to Maxim Gorky that the intelligentsia ‘is not the nation’s brain but the nation’s shit’ (Lenin, 1919/1970).

中文翻译：

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挖掘知识分子：当代俄罗斯知识分子中的民族主义趋势

自 1980 年代后期以来，我们目睹了将苏联知识分子与苏联文学一起埋葬的积极尝试。沿着这些路线的一些努力确实受到了启发（Anninsky，1992；Yampolsky，1991）。然而，事实证明，关于俄罗斯知识分子即将灭亡的预测还为时过早。许多人仍然认同这个自吹自擂的群体。有些人不遗余力地向官方当局出售他们的服务，向弗拉基米尔·普京（Vladimir Putin）——苏联解体后出现的令人惊讶的君主。其他人仍处于自我批评模式，鼓动反对当权者和官方机构或表现出明显的非政治态度。还有一些人喜欢与机构建立舒适的关系，并利用这种关系为自己谋取利益。在结构上，这种情况与苏联时代盛行的情况非常相似（Beyrau，1993）。知识分子将自己转变为务实的知识分子的想法——1990 年代的一个普遍假设——并没有成功（Kordonsky，1994）。尽管知识分子已经适应了环境，但它仍然与我们同在。基本素养在俄罗斯站稳脚跟已经至少一百五十年了，但信仰与理性之间的冲突仍然有增无减。这种感觉似乎战胜了理智。1866 年，Tyutchev 令人难忘地打趣说，如果不使用它独特的测量杆——arshin——你无法理解俄罗斯，我的熟人几乎没有人能够准确地识别它。因此，那些试图从理性的角度理解俄罗斯及其知识分子的人继续感到困惑。从 1996 年大选中流行的政治口号“用心投票”中可以看出，秋切夫的公式——“那些试图理解俄罗斯的人没有理由失败”——仍然统治着这一天。有一种自私的傲慢潜伏在知识分子疲惫的智慧背后：“如果你要解释，你已经失败了”，“你必须自己解决这个问题”，“人们不会理解如果我们尝试这样做。什么都不做，把你的懒惰当作美德，人们不仅会理解你，还会同情你。在俄罗斯严酷的现实中，知识分子更有可能因其软弱而获得通行证。他们不爱他们可怜的国家和人民吗？仅凭这一点就应该阻止列宁向马克西姆·高尔基抱怨知识分子“不是国家的大脑，而是国家的狗屎”（列宁，1919/1970）。