subgenre and further problematizes critics’ dismissal of this music by exemplifying its place in a historical continuity of expressive practices. The fourth chapter, “The Politics, Commerce, and Rage of ‘Thug Life,’” interrogates gangsta rap artist Tupac Shakur’s deployment of the mark of criminality as unique from past iterations. As stated by McCann, while “NWA and other early gangsta rappers fashioned the mark of criminality in the service of commerce and occasional social critique, Shakur reformulated hip-hop’s relationship to the genre by offering meditations from within the constraints of dominant iterations of the mark of criminality” (93). Further, McCann emphasizes the constraints within which Shakur’s critique worked, noting that it was ultimately limited by its place within an oppressive political system. Here, he draws attention to feuds within the hip-hop community as well as how Shakur’s relationship with the criminal justice system restricted his ability to shed his “Thug Life” ethos and direct his efforts toward community organizing. McCann concludes this chapter in an open-ended manner, inviting readers to think of how the rhetorical situation of hip-hop artists has changed since the gangsta rap era and, further, how contemporary artists might build upon the social criticism these artists began. This book significantly builds on contemporary understandings of gangsta rap and challenges mainstream assumptions about the value of this music. When discussing the efforts of Parents Music Resource Center to censor gangsta rap, McCann points to a quote by California congresswoman Maxine Waters: “These are my children. Indeed, they are your children, too. They have invented a new art form to describe their pains and fears and anger with us as adults. I do not intend to marginalize them or demean them. Rather, I take responsibility for trying to understand what they are saying. I want to embrace them and transform them” (85). McCann appears to structure his own analysis with this same belief in mind. He aims to understand the discourses of a people who have been historically marginalized. Rather than attributing praise or blame to the music, McCann interrogates it in its complexity, recognizing the systems from within which it works. Thus, the book aims not to tell us what our next steps should be in enacting the change this music seems to argue for, but instead encourages us to go forth with an increased understanding of a previously misunderstood rhetorical form. In doing so, McCann makes an important contribution to the study of hip-hop music within the field of rhetoric and paves the way for future scholars to build upon this work.

中文翻译：

---

Jane S. Sutton 和 Mari Lee Mifsud。比喻的革命：异养修辞。Lanham，MD：列克星敦图书，2015 年。128 页。88 美元精装本。

子流派，并通过举例说明其在表达实践的历史连续性中的地位，进一步质疑评论家对这种音乐的排斥。第四章“暴徒生活的政治、商业和愤怒”，询问了黑帮说唱艺术家图帕克沙库尔对犯罪标志的部署，这是过去迭代中独一无二的。正如麦肯所说，“NWA 和其他早期的黑帮说唱歌手在商业服务和偶尔的社会批评中塑造了犯罪的标志，而 Shakur 通过在标志的主导迭代的限制内提供冥想来重新阐述嘻哈与流派的关系犯罪”（93）。此外，麦肯强调了沙库尔的批评在其中发挥作用的限制，并指出它最终受到其在压迫性政治体系中的地位的限制。这里，他提请注意嘻哈社区内的不和，以及 Shakur 与刑事司法系统的关系如何限制了他摆脱“暴徒生活”精神并将努力转向社区组织的能力。麦肯以开放式的方式结束本章，邀请读者思考自黑帮说唱时代以来嘻哈艺术家的修辞状况如何发生变化，以及当代艺术家如何建立在这些艺术家开始的社会批评的基础上。这本书显着地建立在当代对黑帮说唱的理解之上，并挑战了关于这种音乐价值的主流假设。在讨论父母音乐资源中心为审查黑帮说唱所做的努力时，麦肯引用了加州女议员马克辛沃特斯的一句话：“这些是我的孩子。事实上，他们也是你的孩子。他们发明了一种新的艺术形式来描述他们作为成年人对我们的痛苦、恐惧和愤怒。我无意边缘化他们或贬低他们。相反，我有责任尝试理解他们在说什么。我想拥抱它们并改造它们”（85）。麦肯似乎以同样的信念来构建自己的分析。他旨在了解历史上被边缘化的民族的话语。麦肯并没有将赞美或指责归咎于音乐，而是从其复杂性中审问它，认识到其运作的系统。因此，这本书的目的不是告诉我们下一步应该采取什么措施来实现这种音乐似乎所主张的改变，而是鼓励我们进一步了解以前被误解的修辞形式。在这样做，