The history of anthropology in North America is very closely intertwined with Native cultures in the United States and Canada. As Polly Strong observes, the first generation of American anthropologists were in a state of “panic” about culture loss, and thus the mad rush to collect anything and everything: word lists, texts, artifacts and art, even human remains. Through much of the 20th century, anthropology in fact rested on an assumed acculturationist foundation: Native cultures were disappearing, both in North America and elsewhere, and this process could be studied, even ameliorated, but fundamentally, indigenous peoples would increasingly adapt and conform to the modern, globalized world. This assumption was not, of course, shared by Native people themselves, who always believed that they maintained a connection with the ancestors, one that may have been frayed, often through deliberate policies of the settler colonial states (language loss being the most obvious example) but that much had remained, and much could be recovered. Indeed, the Iroquois prophecy of the seventh generation, a belief widely held in Indian Country, states that sovereignty and stewardship of the earth would be returned to the seventh generation (after contact with Europeans) of Native people. In the era of climate change, water protectors, and Trump, it is hard not to see the appeal of that prophecy. Native peoples in North America have sought means to express indigeneity and sovereignty in the face of settler colonial society and globalization. The Ho-Chunk (preciously known as Winnebago), a Siouan people traditionally inhabiting much of the upper Midwest, but today confined to Wisconsin, are a good example of the maintenance of cultural practices in the face of settler colonialism. Through warrior societies and other esoteric cultural practices, they have, as Nesper says, been able to maintain cultural and social reproduction. A practice more visible to outsiders is the Powwow, which, as in other Native communities, is the fundamental means not only of maintaining cultural practices, but expressing them to the outside world. Pow-wows are not sacred, and have become commercialized over time: essentially, as a way of including outsiders on their own terms (that

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北美的人类学历史与美国和加拿大的土著文化息息相关。正如波利·斯特朗（Polly Strong）所观察到的那样，第一代美国人类学家对文化的丧失处于“恐慌”状态，因此疯狂地急于收集任何东西：单词表，文字，人工制品和艺术品，甚至还有人类遗体。在整个20世纪的大部分时间里，人类学实际上都建立在一个假定的文化主义者的基础上：北美和其他地方的土著文化正在消失，这一过程可以得到研究，甚至得到改善，但是从根本上讲，土著人民将越来越适应和遵循现代的全球化世界。当然，土著人民本身并没有这种假设，土著人民始终认为自己与祖先保持着联系，可能是经常通过定居者殖民地国家的故意政策（语言损失是最明显的例子）而遭受磨损的例子，但仍有很多遗留的地方，可以收回很多。的确，第七代易洛魁人的预言（在印度国家普遍存在）认为，地球的主权和管理权将归还给土著人的第七代（与欧洲人接触）。在气候变化，水资源保护者和特朗普时代，很难不看到这种预言的吸引力。面对定居者的殖民社会和全球化，北美的土著人民一直在寻求表达土著和主权的手段。Ho-Chunk（前称Winnebago）是苏族人，传统上居住在中西部的大部分地区，但今天仅限于威斯康星州，面对定居者的殖民主义，是维持文化习俗的一个很好的例子。正如奈斯珀所说，通过武士社会和其他神秘的文化习俗，他们得以维持文化和社会再生产。Powwow是外人更易察觉的一种习俗，与其他土著社区一样，Powwow不仅是维持文化习俗的基本手段，而且还是向外界表达这些习俗的基本手段。战俘并不神圣，而是随着时间的流逝而商业化的：从本质上讲，这是一种以自己的方式包括局外人的方式（Powwow是外人更易察觉的一种习俗，与其他土著社区一样，Powwow不仅是维持文化习俗的基本手段，而且还是向外界表达这些习俗的基本手段。战俘并不神圣，而是随着时间的流逝而商业化的：从本质上讲，这是一种以自己的方式包括局外人的方式（Powwow是外人更易察觉的一种习俗，与其他土著社区一样，Powwow不仅是维持文化习俗的基本手段，而且还是向外界表达这些习俗的基本手段。战俘并不神圣，而是随着时间的流逝而商业化的：从本质上讲，这是一种以自己的方式包括局外人的方式（