version of the Maghreb. It also, incidentally, employs an identical rationale to that used to legitimise the sherifian transmission of authority. Amongst people I have met in my own fieldwork, a marriage with a darker-skinned person, let alone a G’nawa musician, was considered a social disadvantage. Whilst I accept that there’s also a strong tendency for Moroccans from the Souss region, the Rif or powerful Fassi circles, to ‘stick together’, the fact that the G’nawa remain a largely endogamous community might be worthy of a little closer investigation than is allowed here. Morocco’s numerous ‘Berber’ regions regularly confronted the state’s centralising Arabist policies in a contest of identity politics. Like the G’nawa, these also involve distinctive musical, religious, social and linguistic traditions, but are located in specific regions, whereas the G’nawa forms essentially urban minorities. It might have been valuable to outline this broader cultural sea in which G’nawa identity also floats. In my own research, I have also found that agents of the Moroccan government are never too far from cultural organisations of all kinds, and this included G’nawa troupes. Moroccan history repeatedly shows the role of religious movements in organising political resistance to central authority and this lesson is not lost on the authorities. Sufism might present a challenge to political Islam but zawia are nevertheless routinely monitored by the state. Whilst this book provides brilliant insights into the cultural, social and technological fields, the absence of a wider political context might suggest that the G’nawa afforded a little more agency than is possibly the case. Despite these small reservations, this is clearly an essential book that I would recommend very highly to anyone involved in North African research. It presents a detailed case study of the influence of the Internet upon traditional music and manages to capture the transformation of cultural practices within several rapidly shifting fields, and does so in a lucid and well-organised manner. Perhaps above all, The G’nawa Lions is a testament to the value of excellent ethnographic research and writing.

中文翻译：

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Ilú Keké – Transmisión en la eritá meta

马格里布版本。顺便说一句，它还采用了与用于使治安官的权力传递合法化的基本原理相同的基本原理。在我自己的田野调查中遇到的人中，与肤色较深的人结婚，更不用说 G'nawa 音乐家了，被认为是一种社会劣势。虽然我承认来自 Souss 地区、Rif 或强大的 Fassi 圈子的摩洛哥人也有强烈的倾向“团结在一起”，但 G'nawa 仍然是一个主要是同族通婚的社区的事实可能值得比这里是允许的。摩洛哥的众多“柏柏尔”地区经常在身份政治的较量中对抗国家的中央集权的阿拉伯主义政策。与 G'nawa 一样，这些也涉及独特的音乐、宗教、社会和语言传统，但位于特定地区，而 G'nawa 基本上形成了城市少数民族。勾勒出 G'nawa 身份也在其中漂浮的更广阔的文化海洋可能很有价值。在我自己的研究中，我还发现摩洛哥政府的代理人永远不会远离各种文化组织，其中包括 G'nawa 剧团。摩洛哥历史一再表明宗教运动在组织对中央权威的政治抵抗中的作用，而这一教训并没有被当局遗忘。苏菲主义可能对政治伊斯兰教构成挑战，但 zawia 仍然受到国家的定期监督。虽然这本书提供了对文化、社会和技术领域的精彩见解，但由于缺乏更广泛的政治背景，可能表明 G'nawa 提供了比实际情况更多的代理权。尽管有这些小保留，但这显然是一本必不可少的书，我会向所有参与北非研究的人强烈推荐。它提供了有关互联网对传统音乐影响的详细案例研究，并设法捕捉了几个快速变化的领域内文化实践的转变，并以清晰而有条理的方式做到了这一点。也许最重要的是，G'nawa Lions 证明了优秀的民族志研究和写作的价值。并且以清晰和有条理的方式进行。也许最重要的是，G'nawa Lions 证明了优秀的民族志研究和写作的价值。并且以清晰和有条理的方式进行。也许最重要的是，G'nawa Lions 证明了优秀的民族志研究和写作的价值。