ABSTRACT

In recent years, academic researchers and commentators have devoted a great deal of attention to the question of why some sections of the Muslim population in northern Nigeria sympathise with the Boko Haram sect. This article elaborates on original accounts of imprisoned Boko Haram members, former members of the sect, their relatives, and other categories of informants to draw out the dynamics which foregrounded the relative success of the Boko Haram sect in attracting members before July 2009. More specifically, I analyse the dynamics of the relationship between the Muslim public in northern Nigeria and the Nigerian state, in order to contextualise Boko Haram’s emergence and appeal as existing on that spectrum. I focus on both the healthcare sector and police force as case studies, to demonstrate how the perceived failure of successive Nigerian administrations in both areas has engendered gaps which alternative providers of social services have attempted to fill. The sect’s ability to provide social services helped in adding to Boko Haram’s appeal and local legitimacy. In doing so, it becomes clear that before July 2009 the Boko Haram sect took advantage of failures in governance, particularly at the local level, to attract a section of the Muslim public in northern Nigeria.

摘要

近年来，学术研究人员和评论员一直非常关注为什么尼日利亚北部的部分穆斯林人口同情博科圣地教派的问题。本文详细阐述了被监禁的博科圣地组织成员，该教派的前任成员，其亲属和其他类别的举报人的原始账目，以阐明导致博科圣地组织在2009年7月之前吸引成员方面相对成功的动力。 ，我分析了尼日利亚北部穆斯林公众与尼日利亚国家之间关系的动态，以便将博科哈拉姆的出现和吸引力作为背景。我将重点放在医疗保健部门和警察部门，作为案例研究，展示尼日利亚在这两个地区历届政府的失败是如何造成社会服务替代者试图填补的空白的。该教派提供社会服务的能力有助于增加博科圣地组织的吸引力和地方合法性。通过这样做，很明显，博科圣地组织在2009年7月之前利用了治理失败的机会，特别是在地方层面上的失败，以吸引尼日利亚北部的一部分穆斯林公众。