with the general thrust of the Black Freedom movement when they made this shift toward electoral politics, yet this process also accelerated the party’s decline. The denouement of the BPP came as consequence of numerous factors. Volumes have explored the internal disputes, state repression, criminal activities, and mismanagement that brought the most celebrated radical leftist organization of the Long Sixties to an end. Spencer gives the most detailed history of the decline unfolding in slow motion – evident to so many participants, yet inexorably happening nonetheless. In every way, Huey Newton was central to the arch of the party’s fate. “He was the embodiment of the BPP for many inside and outside the party, and few had problematized his relationship to the organization” (179). It was the legend of Newton that had drawn so many to the organization in the Free Huey stage of explosive growth, 1968–1970. It was his proclamations that – with prodding from others – shifted the ideological focus of the party to reject male chauvinism and homophobia. Newton was also at the center of the internecine feud that resulted in the rapid decline of the party in 1970–1971, complete with purges, beatings, and authoritarianism. Bobby Seale left the BPP in 1973 andNewton fled to Cuba in 1974 to avoid criminal charges of assault and murder. Newton turned the operations of the organization to Elaine Brown, who stabilized it and promoted many women to influential positions. But Newton’s return in 1974 was “cataclysmic” (179). The beatings, purges, and legal fees to defend him led to resignations, low morale and, by 1982, the closure of the last Panther operation, the Oakland Community School. In all, Spencer uncovers new perspectives and information on the Oakland chapter of the BPP. The forces that precipitated the Panther’s rise – police brutality, militarism, racism – were also critical to its destruction. But the organization was not without successes. Reforms and interventions, from health care to free breakfast programs to electoral politics and community activism, mark the legacies of these young people who significantly animated their moment in history. Spencer concludes by aptly noting that the history of the BPP is “both heart-wrenching and beautiful and, at times, heart-breakingly ugly” (203).

中文翻译：

---

英国反精神病学家：从机构精神病学到反文化，1960-1971

随着黑人自由运动向选举政治的转变，这个过程也加速了该党的衰落。BPP 的结局是由多种因素造成的。多卷探讨了导致 60 年代最著名的激进左翼组织终结的内部纠纷、国家镇压、犯罪活动和管理不善。斯宾塞以慢动作展现了衰退的最详细历史——对如此多的参与者来说显而易见，但仍然不可避免地发生。在各方面，休伊·牛顿都是该党命运的核心。“他是党内外许多人的 BPP 的化身，很少有人质疑他与组织的关系”（179）。正是牛顿的传奇在 1968 年至 1970 年爆发式增长的自由休伊阶段吸引了如此多的人加入该组织。正是他的宣言——在其他人的刺激下——将党的意识形态重点转向拒绝大男子主义和同性恋恐惧症。牛顿也是导致党在 1970 年至 1971 年迅速衰落的内讧的中心，伴随着清洗、殴打和威权主义。Bobby Seale 于 1973 年离开了 BPP，Newton 于 1974 年逃往古巴，以避免受到攻击和谋杀的刑事指控。牛顿将组织的运作交给了伊莱恩·布朗，后者稳定了组织并提拔了许多女性担任有影响力的职位。但牛顿在 1974 年的回归是“灾难性的”（179）。为他辩护的殴打、清洗和法律费用导致他辞职、士气低落，到 1982 年，关闭最后一个黑豹行动，奥克兰社区学校。总之，斯宾塞揭示了 BPP 奥克兰章节的新观点和信息。促成黑豹崛起的力量——警察暴行、军国主义、种族主义——对其毁灭也至关重要。但该组织并非没有成功。改革和干预，从医疗保健到免费早餐计划，再到选举政治和社区激进主义，都标志着这些年轻人的遗产，他们在历史上显着地活跃了他们的时刻。Spencer 最后恰当地指出 BPP 的历史“既令人心痛又美丽，有时又令人心碎的丑陋”（203）。促成黑豹崛起的力量——警察暴行、军国主义、种族主义——对其毁灭也至关重要。但该组织并非没有成功。改革和干预措施，从医疗保健到免费早餐计划，再到选举政治和社区激进主义，都标志着这些年轻人的遗产，这些年轻人在他们的历史时刻发挥了重要作用。Spencer 最后恰当地指出 BPP 的历史“既令人心痛又美丽，有时又令人心碎的丑陋”（203）。促成黑豹崛起的力量——警察暴行、军国主义、种族主义——对其毁灭也至关重要。但该组织并非没有成功。改革和干预措施，从医疗保健到免费早餐计划，再到选举政治和社区激进主义，都标志着这些年轻人的遗产，这些年轻人在他们的历史时刻发挥了重要作用。Spencer 最后恰当地指出 BPP 的历史“既令人心痛又美丽，有时又令人心碎的丑陋”（203）。纪念这些年轻人的遗产，他们在历史上为他们的历史时刻留下了深刻的印象。Spencer 最后恰当地指出 BPP 的历史“既令人心痛又美丽，有时又令人心碎的丑陋”（203）。纪念这些年轻人的遗产，他们在历史上为他们的历史时刻留下了深刻的印象。Spencer 最后恰当地指出 BPP 的历史“既令人心痛又美丽，有时又令人心碎的丑陋”（203）。