ABSTRACT

Some Gramscian concepts proved to be relevant for a better and a worthwhile understanding of the current changes and of the political and social upheavals in Tunisia since winter 2010/2011. In particular, I will approach the ongoing political crisis as a crisis of hegemony. By emphasising the social and economic content in the hegemony of the Tunisian state, the article will focus on its construction during the Habib Bourguiba era, by showing how elites emerged after the independence, through their alliance with the workers’ union (UGTT), won the people’s support by working on two main issues: first, economic growth, second, social recovery thus fairly benefited different social classes, according to meritocracy. I will then look at how President Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali tried to apply the same ‘hegemony formula’ and how despite his agreement with the trade unions, he nevertheless lost that hegemony due to two major evolutions during the 2000s: the transformation of Tunisian capitalism into a crony capitalism and the end of meritocracy. Eventually, the article will show that the current political and socio-economic crisis can be read as the consequence of the crisis of hegemony, since old and new elites have not yet succeeded in providing answers to the main social and economic questions raised by the 2011 Revolution.

摘要

事实证明，一些葛兰西的概念有助于更好地、有价值地理解自 2010/2011 年冬季以来突尼斯当前的变化以及政治和社会动荡。特别是，我将当前的政治危机视为霸权危机。通过强调突尼斯国家霸权中的社会和经济内容，文章将重点关注哈比卜布尔吉巴时代的建设，展示了独立后精英如何通过与工会（UGTT）结盟，赢得人民通过解决两个主要问题获得支持：第一，经济增长，第二，社会恢复因此公平地惠及不同的社会阶层，根据精英统治。然后，我将看看 Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali 总统如何试图应用相同的“霸权公式”，以及尽管他与工会达成了协议，但由于 2000 年代的两个重大演变，他仍然失去了霸权：突尼斯人的转型资本主义变成裙带资本主义和精英统治的终结。最终，本文将表明当前的政治和社会经济危机可以被解读为霸权危机的后果，因为新老精英还没有成功地为 2011 年提出的主要社会和经济问题提供答案。革命。