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Isaeus’ On the Estate of Pyrrhus (Oration 3). Edited by RosaliaHatzilambrou. (Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2018. Pp. 283. $119.95.)
The Historian ( IF 0.3 ) Pub Date : 2019-12-01 , DOI: 10.1111/hisn.13286
Konstantinos Kapparis 1
Affiliation  

Kissinger? Half a century after he had clandestinely seized control of America’s war in Indochina, Kissinger is remembered as this smart guy who could look geopolitical truth in the face, and far from flinching, then make a clever remark about it. As Brigham demonstrates, Kissinger was most definitely not a deep thinker and, when he gained power as Richard Nixon’s geopolitical muse, ensured that those who were capable of independent thought—people like McNaughton—were excluded from policy-making. These included Nixon’s initial Secretary of State William Rogers, and his Secretary of Defense, Melvin Laird. But why bother to think? “The commitment of five hundred thousand Americans has settled the issue of the importance of Vietnam,” Kissinger solipsistically asserted in the famous article in Foreign Affairs that gained his job with Nixon. As Brigham documents, page-by-page, Kissinger’s duplicity, dishonesty, incompetence, disdain for reality, and willful ignorance, it is the moral aspect of America’s Vietnam catastrophe that this book, together with the passage of time, best illuminates. The American war in Indochina has had little lasting effect in Southeast Asia, but its corruption of the American spirit, and of America’s institutions, has proved to be enduring. The intellectual and ethical corruption Henry Kissinger embodied has gone on to flourish in the forms of people like Dick Cheney and Donald Trump. The nightmare of an America increasingly disdainful of Americans’ own rights as well as of global reality, which Dwight D. Eisenhower evoked in his Farewell Address of 17 January 1961, has become a permanent condition. The clairvoyant but forgotten Mr. McNaughton understood precisely what was coming. The celebrated and obtuse Dr. Kissinger never would or, more likely, did understand, but like more and more of America’s most powerful officials, did not care.

中文翻译:

Isaeus的《 Pyrrhus庄园》(Oration 3)。RosaliaHatzilambrou编辑。(英国泰恩河畔纽卡斯尔:剑桥学者出版社,2018年。第283页.119.95美元。)

基辛格?在基辛格秘密地控制了美国在印度支那的战争之后的半个世纪,基辛格被认为是这个聪明的家伙,他可以直面脸孔,不会畏缩,然后就此发表巧妙的评论。正如布里格姆所展示的那样,基辛格绝对不是一个深思熟虑的人,当他成为理查德·尼克松的地缘政治缪斯掌权时,确保了那些有独立思想能力的人,例如麦克诺顿,被排除在决策之外。其中包括尼克松的第一任国务卿威廉·罗杰斯(William Rogers)和他的国防部长梅尔文·莱尔德(Melvin Laird)。但是为什么要思考呢?“五十万美国人的承诺解决了越南重要性的问题,”基辛格在著名的《外交事务》文章中含沙地断言道,他在尼克松任职。正如布里格姆(Brigham)逐页记录的那样,基辛格(Kissinger)的虚伪,不诚实,无能,对现实不屑一顾和故意的无知,这本书是美国越南灾难的道德方面,随着时间的流逝,这本书得到了最好的说明。美国在印度支那的战争在东南亚几乎没有持久的影响,但是事实证明,它对美国精神和美国机构的腐败是持久的。亨利·基辛格(Henry Kissinger)体现的思想上和道德上的腐败以迪克·切尼(Dick Cheney)和唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)等人的形式继续发展。德怀特·D·艾森豪威尔(Dwight D. Eisenhower)在1961年1月17日的《告别演说》(Farewell Address)中引起美国人的噩梦越来越轻视美国人的权利和全球现实。千里眼但被遗忘的先生。麦克诺顿精确地了解了即将发生的事情。著名而钝头的基辛格博士从不理解,或者更可能理解了,但是就像越来越多的美国最有权势的官员一样,他也不在乎。
更新日期:2019-12-01
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