realized with particular clarity, especially in his close readings of the understudied records from Shetland, which extend and make concrete some of the major interpretations of early modern witchcraft, including those of Wolfgang Behringer and Lyndal Roper. At the moment, I have more of a question than a criticism of the book. I could not help but wonder how an examination of New World foods in print culture might have enriched Kissane’s analysis. In particular, I kept thinking about the connections between food, religion, witchcraft, gender, and ethnicity that had been drawn by José de Acosta in his famous Historia natural y moral de las Indias, published in all the major Western European languages in the later sixteenth century. I suspect that Kissane would have liked to address this, as he gestures at it in his conclusion, but, unfortunately, publishers tend to impose strict page length limitations on authors. This book will be useful to researchers interested in early modern European culture, and it is written in a style that is accessible to undergraduate students, rendering it amenable for classroom use, as well. I plan to integrate Kissane’s work into my own teaching in the near future.

中文翻译：

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帝国德国与战争，1871-1918年。Daniel J.Hughes和Richard L.DiNardo撰写。（堪萨斯州劳伦斯：堪萨斯大学出版社，2018. Px。xiii，681. $ 39.95。）

尤其是在他对设得兰群岛未被充分研究的记录的细读中特别清楚地意识到了这一点，这些记录扩展并具体化了早期现代巫术的一些主要解释，包括沃尔夫冈·贝林格和林达尔·罗珀的解释。目前，我的问题不仅仅是对这本书的批评。我忍不住想知道，对印刷文化中的新世界食品的考察如何丰富了基桑的分析。特别是，我一直在思考何塞·德·阿科斯塔（Joséde Acosta）在他着名的《印度自然与道德》中所描写的食物，宗教，巫术，性别和种族之间的联系，该出版物后来以西欧所有主要语言出版。十六世纪。我怀疑基桑内（Kissane）在结论中要指出这一点时会希望解决这个问题，但不幸的是，发布者倾向于对作者施加严格的页面长度限制。这本书对于对近代欧洲现代文化感兴趣的研究人员将非常有用，并且以本科生可以使用的风格编写，也适合课堂使用。我计划在不久的将来将基桑的工作整合到我自己的教学中。