Penelope J. E. Davies’s book is a longawaited synthesis of building activity in Republican Rome and a lucid account of the ways in which architecture was intertwined with politics before the dawn of empire. Republican architecture is often thought of as a simple preamble to the glorious architecture of the imperial period, and its dispersed and sparse remains are seen in isolation and not as part of an integrated urban design (for example, in publications by Filippo Coarelli, Ann Kuttner, Eugenio La Rocca, Mario Torelli, and Fausto Zevi), while studies of urbanism take the form of articles or essays.1 In this authoritative publication, Davies pulls together evidence on architectural innovation and urban development, grounds them in historical context, and in doing so provides an integrated narrative that sheds light on the ways in which building projects were used as a means to assert as well as challenge authority in an ever-changing political climate. As Davies points out in the introduction, “the history of Republican architecture is the history of individuals and groups developing strategies to maneuver within the constraints imposed by the system, and finally breaking free” (3). The book explores these strategies in seven chronological phases that correspond to distinct trends in politics and architecture, each of which is dealt with in an individual chapter. Davies moves beyond the discussion of form to focus on the intention behind these building projects—which by nature of the political system is primarily that of the senatorial class—rather than their reception. Her study is based on written sources—such as inscriptions, state calendars, and literary texts—as well as archaeological data, the controversial nature of both of which is discussed concisely and exhaustively. The first chapter discusses the period between 509 bce, the conventional date for the foundation of the Roman Republic, and the end of the Latin League, a coalition of states near the city of Rome, in 338 bce—the so-called monarchical period. Chapter 2 tackles the ensuing years between the dissolution of the Latin League and the beginning of the Second Punic War in 218 bce, when Rome extended its reach across the Italian peninsula through colonization and war, and patricians and wealthy plebeians coalesced into a new social and political elite. Chapter 3 addresses the developments during the Second Punic War and its aftermath up to 134 bce, when Rome was enmeshed in the power struggles of the wider Mediterranean in Greece and Asia Minor. The following four chapters survey the tumultuous period between the reforms of the Gracchi and the assassination of G. Julius Caesar in 44 bce. Chapter 4 goes through the tensions created by the land reforms of Ti. Sempronius Gracchus in 133 bce and his brother G. Sempronius Gracchus in 123 bce and ends with the law passed by L. Julius Caesar (father of the later dictator) in 90 bce that granted citizenship to all Latins and Italians who laid down arms or who had not yet revolted. Chapter 5 examines the rise of Sulla in the aftermath of the Social War—the war waged in 91 bce by the confederacy of Italia against Rome, when allied citizenship resulted in an influx of wealthy men who intensified competitiveness in Rome—to the first election of Pompey as consul, alongside Crassus, in 70 bce. Chapter 6 discusses Pompey’s and Caesar’s political moves from 69 bce to the second election of Pompey as consul, again alongside Crassus, in 55 bce, when the theater of Pompey—the first permanent theater in Rome—was dedicated. Chapter 7, the final chapter, concludes with the decade between 54 and 44 bce of rivalry between Pompey and Caesar, which covers the start of the works on Caesar’s Forum Iulium to the assassination of Caesar in Pompey’s Curia in 44 bce. Each chapter is prefaced by the political framework of the discussed chronological phase, then organized under three sections—“Religious Buildings,” “Spoils and the City,” and “Civic Development”—and followed by conclusions. Although there is some overlap, this division effectively articulates the ways in which the construction of temples, manubial monuments, and state buildings created possibilities for self-promotion and political affirmation and, in consequence, instigated regulations to constrain their construction and size. The discussion Reviews

中文翻译：

---

佩内洛普·J·戴维斯（Penelope JE Davies），共和党罗马时期的建筑与政治

佩内洛普·杰·戴维斯（Penelope JE Davies）的书是对共和党罗马时期建筑活动的期盼已久的综述，并且清楚地说明了帝国黎明之前建筑与政治的交织方式。共和党的建筑通常被认为是帝国时期光荣建筑的简单序言，其分散而稀疏的遗迹被孤立地看待，而不是作为整体城市设计的一部分（例如，在Filippo Coarelli，Ann Kuttner的出版物中） ，欧金尼奥·拉·罗卡（Eugenio La Rocca），马里奥·托雷利（Mario Torelli）和福斯托·泽维（Fausto Zevi），而城市主义研究则以文章或散文的形式出现。1在这一权威出版物中，戴维斯（Davies）收集了有关建筑创新和城市发展的证据，将它们置于历史背景下，这样做提供了一个综合的叙述，阐明了在不断变化的政治环境中建筑项目被用作主张和挑战权威的方式。正如戴维斯在导言中指出的那样，“共和党建筑的历史是个人和团体制定策略以在系统施加的限制内进行机动并最终实现自由的历史”（3）。该书分七个时间阶段探索了这些策略，这些阶段对应于政治和建筑学的不同趋势，每个趋势都在单独的章节中讨论。戴维斯超越了形式的讨论，而是专注于这些建筑项目背后的意图-从政治制度的本质上来说，主要是参议院阶级的意图-而不是他们的接受。她的研究基于书面资料（例如题词，州历和文学著作）以及考古数据，对两者的有争议性进行了简要而详尽的讨论。第一章讨论了公元前509年（罗马共和国成立的常规日期）到公元前338年拉丁盟（罗马城附近的国家联盟）的终结之间的时期，即所谓的君主时期。第2章探讨了从拉丁同盟解散到公元前218年第二次布匿战争开始的随后几年，当时罗马通过殖民和战争扩大了其在意大利半岛的影响范围，而贵族和富裕的平民聚居成一个新的社会阶层。政治精英。第3章讨论了第二次布匿战争及其后至公元前134年的事态发展，罗马陷入更广泛的地中海在希腊和小亚细亚的权力斗争中。以下四章概述了格拉基改革与公元前44年朱利叶斯·凯撒（G. Julius Caesar）被暗杀之间的动荡时期。第四章探讨了钛土地改革带来的紧张局势。公元前133年的Sempronius Gracchus和公元前123年的弟弟G. Sempronius Gracchus并以公元前90年L. Julius Caesar（后独裁者的父亲）通过的法律告终，该法律赋予所有放下武器或尚未起义。第5章探讨了社会战争后苏拉的崛起。公元前91年，由于义大利同盟对罗马发动的战争，当盟军公民造成的有钱人大量涌入谁在愈演愈烈的竞争力罗马的庞培的第一个当选为执政官，沿着克拉苏，在70 BCE。第6章讨论庞培和凯撒从公元前69移动政治庞培的二选一作为领事，再一次与克拉苏，在公元前55，当庞培，第一个永久性剧院在剧院罗马是献给。第7章为最后一章，以庞培与凯撒之间的争斗在公元前54年至44年之间的十年结束，其中涵盖了凯撒的Iulium论坛到公元前44年在庞培的库里亚暗杀凯撒的工作的开始。每章均以所讨论的时间顺序的政治框架作为开头，然后分为三个部分：“宗教建筑”，“战利品和城市，”和“公民发展”，然后得出结论。尽管存在一些重叠，但这种区分有效地阐明了寺庙，古迹和国家建筑的建造为自我宣传和政治主张创造了可能性的方法，并因此制定了煽动性法规以限制其建造和规模。讨论评论