This article concerns stability and change in the ranks of the Ukrainian political elite from 1990 to 2014. We use East European Parliamentarian and Candidate (EAST PaC) data for Ukraine as a detailed, longitudinal source of information on the evolution of candidates and members of parliament (MPs). In particular, we focus on the degree of reshuffling represented by reproduction and replacement. This is especially intriguing in the context of three recent revolutionary events: Independence in 1991, the Orange Revolution in 2004, and Euromaidan in 2014. We follow the shifts in support for different political forces (the “demand” side of political representation) vis-à-vis strategies employed and efforts made by different parties and blocs (the “supply” side of political representation). We closely examine the electoral results of parties that later proved to be key players in the unfolding of the most important turns in Ukraine’s political life. Electoral politics in post-Independence Ukraine shows how mass revolutions do not necessarily translate into deep changes to the political elite. Revolutionary events, both in 2004 and 2014, have not brought sudden and substantial replacement in the Verkhovna Rada (VR) ranks. Theoretically, the outcomes can be characterized as quasi-replacement (Higley and Pakulski 1999).

中文翻译：

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革命会带来革命性的变化吗？1990 年至 2014 年乌克兰议会成员的更替

本文关注 1990 年至 2014 年乌克兰政治精英队伍的稳定性和变化。我们使用乌克兰的东欧议员和候选人 (EAST PaC) 数据作为有关候选人和议会成员演变的详细纵向信息来源（议员）。我们特别关注以复制和替换为代表的洗牌程度。在最近发生的三个革命事件的背景下，这一点尤其有趣：1991 年的独立、2004 年的橙色革命和 2014 年的 Euromaidan。相对于不同政党和集团（政治代表的“供给”方面）采用的策略和做出的努力。我们仔细研究了后来证明是乌克兰政治生活中最重要转折展开的关键参与者的政党的选举结果。乌克兰独立后的选举政治表明，大规模革命并不一定会转化为政治精英的深刻变革。2004 年和 2014 年的革命性事件并没有给最高拉达 (VR) 队伍带来突然和实质性的替代。从理论上讲，结果可以被描述为准替代（Higley 和 Pakulski 1999）。没有在最高拉达 (VR) 队伍中带来突然和实质性的替代。从理论上讲，结果可以被描述为准替代（Higley 和 Pakulski 1999）。没有在最高拉达 (VR) 队伍中带来突然和实质性的替代。从理论上讲，结果可以被描述为准替代（Higley 和 Pakulski 1999）。