then how the alliance effected society. A prime example of this can be found in “Crisis: The Invaders (12 to 14 Centuries)” (Ch. 5). The focus of this chapter is on the role of the Crusades and Mongol invaders on Islamic societies. Kuru states that while the Islamic world “recovered geopolitically after these invasions by defeating crusaders, converting Mongols, and establishing powerful empires... The truly enduring negative effects of these invasions were their contributions to the cementing of the Ulema-state alliance... [which occurred] at the expense of philosophers and merchants.” (pg. 161) He then goes on to explain just how philosophers and merchants were suppressed after invasions. Another fascinating comparative analysis of the past, Kuru moves onto the historical comparison of societal evolution in Muslim area versus Western Europe. Kuru clearly compares and differentiates between the emergence and treatment of the intellectual classes in the Christian west versus the Muslim east. The author emphasizes how institutionalization of the separation of church from the state played a role of a critical juncture for the west, leading in turn to the foundation of universities which fostered an intellectual class, while the merchant classes were driving economic development and pushing for greater technical but also social innovation. These are not unique concepts to the West, however, and it is clearly shown in Kuru’s discussion, that throughout different periods in history all of these have been important features across the Islamic civilization but have been repeatedly stunned by the Ulema-state alliance. Overall, Islam, Authoritarianism and Underdevelopment by Ahmet T. Kuku is a gripping read based on compelling historical evidence and analysis, which posits new answers to old, seemingly answered questions. It is clear that Kuru has a deep understanding of the role of Islamic epistemology and of colonialism’s negative legacy, but he provides an explanation that offers insight on, if not even possible solutions for addressing trends of authoritarianism and underdevelopment in the Muslim world.

中文翻译：

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Une saga canayenne

那么联盟如何影响社会。在“危机：入侵者（12 至 14 世纪）”（第 5 章）中可以找到这方面的一个主要例子。本章的重点是十字军东征和蒙古入侵者对伊斯兰社会的作用。库鲁指出，虽然伊斯兰世界“在这些入侵之后通过击败十字军、皈依蒙古人和建立强大的帝国在地缘政治上恢复了……这些入侵真正持久的负面影响是他们对巩固乌里玛-国家联盟的贡献…… [发生的]以牺牲哲学家和商人为代价。” (pg. 161) 然后他继续解释哲学家和商人在入侵后是如何被压制的。对过去的另一个引人入胜的比较分析，库鲁转向穆斯林地区与西欧社会演变的历史比较。库鲁清楚地比较和区分了西方基督教和东方穆斯林知识分子阶级的出现和待遇。作者强调了政教分离的制度化如何对西方起到关键性的作用，进而导致大学的建立，培养了知识分子阶层，而商人阶层则推动了经济发展并推动了更大的发展。技术创新和社会创新。然而，这些并不是西方独有的概念，库鲁的讨论清楚地表明，在历史的不同时期，所有这些都是伊斯兰文明的重要特征，但多次被乌里玛-国家联盟所震惊。总体而言，伊斯兰教、威权主义和不发达，Ahmet T. Kuku 是一本基于令人信服的历史证据和分析的引人入胜的读物，它为旧的、看似已经回答的问题提供了新的答案。很明显，库鲁对伊斯兰认识论的作用和殖民主义的负面遗产有着深刻的理解，但他提供的解释提供了洞察力，即使不是解决穆斯林世界威权主义和不发达趋势的可能解决方案。