Whatever meaning, however fraught, was attached to the notion of 'business (and we would add politics and life) as usual before the spread of the virus has been indefinitely suspended, and global public attention daily trained to tracking confirmed cases, tallying death counts, and taking stock of the virus's disruptive social, political, and economic effects People who endure structural vulnerabilities during more typical moments-for instance, migrants, refugees, ethnic and racial minorities, sex workers, and incarcerated, homeless, and working-class people-often face intensified conditions of constraint and economic precarity in the face of extraordinary situations 8 Moreover, exceptional state and non-state actions generated in response to crises in general9 and human trafficking in particular can contribute to intensified forms of surveillance for groups deemed 'at risk' 10 Such surveillance is made possible through data and technology-themes this Special Issue takes up [ ]to anti-trafficking stakeholders' unscrutinised optimism about technology, pitching its benefits in unilaterally positive terms, researchers have begun to seriously grapple with the assumptions that underlie discussions about technology and anti-trafficking, for instance whether anti-trafficking efforts augmented by technology are effective, or if instead such efforts do more harm than good 16 Moreover, as critical scholars have pointed out, assumptions that vex the understanding of trafficking are mirrored and magnified in the understanding of technology-facilitated trafficking too 17 These include uninterrogated claims that trafficking occurs mainly in the sex industry, that women in the sex trades are especially vulnerable while men are empowered, and that the general public has a central role to play in identifying victim-survivors Though there are mounting demands for non-state actors and entities to regulate their platforms, as Tarleton Gillespie has pointed out, technology companies have actively promoted the political and discursive framing of their sites as 'platforms' in order to skirt regulatory obligations required of telecommunications providers, while ensuring many of the protections of free speech legislation 21 In fact, companies' profit motive directs them not to regulate their platforms, protect user privacy or to be meaningfully accountable to them

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社论：在希望与炒作之间：对技术在反人口贩运中作用的批判性评估

在无限期地停止病毒传播之前，无论什么含义，无论是多么令人忧虑的，它都依附于“生意（我们会增加政治和生活）”的观念，并且每天都受到全球公众的关注，训练他们追踪已确诊的病例，计算死亡人数，并评估了病毒对社会，政治和经济的破坏性影响在更典型的时刻忍受结构性脆弱性的人们，例如移民，难民，少数民族和种族，性工作者以及被监禁的无家可归者和工人阶级-在特殊情况下，经常面临约束和经济不稳定的加剧条件8此外，为应对普遍危机9而特别是人口贩运而产生的特殊的国家和非国家行动，可能会加剧对被视为“高风险”群体的监视形式10，这种监视是通过本期特刊所涉及的数据和技术主题得以实现的[]为了反贩运利益攸关方对技术的未经审查的乐观，以单方面积极的态度宣传其收益，研究人员已开始认真应对有关技术和反贩运的讨论所基于的假设，例如是否通过技术加强了反贩运工作是有效的，或者相反，这样的努力弊大于利16而且，正如批评学者指出的那样，在对技术促成的贩运的理解中也同样反映和放大了对贩运的理解的假设17，其中包括毫无疑问的说法，即贩运主要发生在性行业中，性行业中的妇女特别脆弱，而男子则被赋予权力，公众在识别受害者幸存者中起着核心作用。尽管正如塔勒顿·吉莱斯皮（Talleton Gillespie）所指出的那样，非国家行为者和实体对规范他们的平台的需求不断增加，但科技公司仍在积极地促进其政治和话语框架的发展。站点作为“平台”，以规避电信提供商的监管义务，同时确保对言论自由立法的许多保护21获利动机指示他们不要监管自己的平台，保护用户隐私或对他们有意义地承担责任