German and British cultures. Another strength of the book is the broader socio-economic analysis grounded in Namibian history. Pauli insightfully analyses the enduring legacies of apartheid in Fransfontein and throughout Namibia. She asserts that ‘the effects of apartheid and the class dynamics that started in the 1970s still permeate Fransfontein everyday life. The continuous negotiations and conflicts about ethnicity, religion and politics can only be understood when taking the long-term effects of colonialism and apartheid into account’ (p. 118). These insights are vital to her analysis of marriage in Namibia because, as she asserts, marriage has declined overall while, in parallel, the cost of marriage has dramatically increased between the 1940s and today. In part, these phenomena can be traced to the historical legacy of apartheid. Echoes of apartheid are noticeable in, for example, the disparity in educational and career opportunities for ‘black’ compared with ‘white’ Namibians. Finally, an abundance of illustrative photos, maps, charts and graphs are included. Among these images is an impressive, highly detailed map of Fransfontein itself. The photos are an especially welcome addition, as they depict the various marriage rituals such as the scene of asking for the bride in marriage, typical wedding portraits and the wedding reception. These images help bring the narrative to life. Despite the overall contribution and value of the book, a few minor changes could have strengthened it further. Additional analysis speaking to the extent to which the data is applicable to other parts of Namibia and southern Africa would have been valuable. Also, since the fieldwork undergirding the book began in 2003, it sounds at times outmoded and could have benefited from a few updates. An example is the discussion of ‘new media such as digital cameras’ (p. 185) being used at weddings by guests. These are likely to have been replaced by phone cameras. Overall, though, I highly recommend this monograph to readers interested in African studies in general and to scholars and students interested in marriage and family formation from a sociological or anthropological perspective. It would also be useful for MA and PhD students studying research methods, as it includes a detailed discussion of fieldwork methodology. Lastly, the book is of great value to anyone interested in innovative forms of ethnography and detailed, contemporary studies speaking to family formation in the African context.

中文翻译：

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马拉维的精英话语，性行为和艾滋病毒/艾滋病干预措施

德国和英国文化。该书的另一个优势是基于纳米比亚历史的更广泛的社会经济分析。保利深刻地分析了弗兰斯方丹和整个纳米比亚种族隔离制度的持久遗产。她断言，种族隔离的影响和始于1970年代的阶级动态仍然渗透到Fransfontein的日常生活中。只有考虑到殖民主义和种族隔离的长期影响，才能理解关于种族，宗教和政治的持续谈判和冲突”（第118页）。这些见解对于她对纳米比亚的婚姻分析至关重要，因为正如她所断言的那样，婚姻总体上有所下降，与此同时，在1940年代至今的婚姻成本却急剧上升。这些现象部分可以追溯到种族隔离的历史遗产。种族隔离的回响很明显，例如，与“白人”纳米比亚人相比，“黑人”在教育和职业机会上的差距。最后，包括大量的说明性照片，地图，图表和图形。这些图像中是Fransfontein本身的一张令人印象深刻且非常详细的地图。这些照片特别受人欢迎，因为它们描绘了各种结婚仪式，例如求婚的场景，典型的结婚照和结婚宴会。这些图像有助于使叙述栩栩如生。尽管本书具有整体的贡献和价值，但仍需进行一些小改动就可以进一步加强它的功能。就数据可适用于纳米比亚其他地区和南部非洲的程度而言，进行额外的分析将是有价值的。也，自从2003年开始对这本书进行深入的田野调查以来，听起来有时过时了，并且可能会从一些更新中受益。一个例子是讨论在婚礼上宾客使用的“数码相机等新媒体”（第185页）。这些可能已被手机摄像头取代。总体而言，我强烈建议对社会学或人类学角度对非洲研究感兴趣的读者以及对婚姻和家庭形成感兴趣的学者和学生阅读此专着。这对于研究研究方法的硕士和博士学位学生也将是有用的，因为它包括对实地考察方法的详细讨论。最后，这本书对那些对民族志的创新形式以及对非洲背景下的家庭形成有兴趣的详细的当代研究感兴趣的人都具有极大的价值。