As a researcher who has been analysing the influence of the private sector and private money in public schools in Canada since the early 90s, and as a parent of kids in secondary and elementary schools in the Canadian province of Ontario, this article leaves me with the distinct feeling of deja vu. What I found particularly instructive about Ireland’s experience was how the very structure of the education system and the role played by the Catholic Church resulted in an authority vacuum when the Church became less prominent, creating conditions ripe for another organised force–in this case, global economic players–to impose a new vision. And along with this shift came what has also played out in Ontario, across Canada, and elsewhere: a template that is as much about privatisation as it is about de-publicisation. First, a backdrop of economic anxiety is driven and reinforced by austerity. Governments announce the need to ‘tighten their belts’ which inevitably means cuts to the public sector and social programmes; this generally coincides with tax breaks and incentives for corporations and the wealthy, which further constrain public coffers in preparation for another round of ‘the cupboard is bare’ arguments in favour of further spending reductions. Second, ‘concerns’ are raised about what is being taught in schools, and with what effect. Often this coincides with a back-to-basics push, specifically in numeracy and literacy, and the narrative of ill-prepared teachers shortchanging students on the skills required for the ‘world of work,’ combined with repeated anti-union rhetoric and actions. International comparisons (PISA) are referenced to prove that, while ‘our’ test scores are dropping, other countries are doing better. The policy antidote, however, is not increased funding or smaller classes or more professional development. Inevitably the ‘fixes’ include a narrower educational focus, an emphasis on ‘fundamentals’ rather than on application and deep learning, more testing of students, and more surveillance of educators to ensure we’re getting ‘value for money.’ In this context, ‘value’ is proven through student performance on standardised tests or other comparison-based measurements, and the elusive seal of corporate approval that students are being adequately prepared to assume their position in the workplaces of the future (whatever they look like). But one thing is for certain: it involves fewer teachers and education workers, fewer options for students and an overall reduction in resources. This is precisely what underpins the current labour unrest in Ontario, with all four education unions involved in provincewide job

中文翻译：

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私人课程，公共资金：对“爱尔兰私有化的模式和路径”的回应

作为一名自 90 年代初以来一直在分析加拿大公立学校私营部门和私人资金影响的研究人员，以及作为加拿大安大略省中小学孩子的家长，这篇文章给我留下了似曾相识的独特感觉。我发现爱尔兰的经历特别有启发性的是，当教会变得不那么突出时，教育体系的结构和天主教会所扮演的角色如何导致权威真空，为另一支有组织的力量创造了成熟的条件——在这种情况下，全球经济参与者——强加新的愿景。伴随着这种转变，安大略省、加拿大和其他地方也出现了：一个既关乎私有化又关乎去公开化的模板。第一的，紧缩政策推动并加强了经济焦虑的背景。政府宣布需要“勒紧裤腰带”，这不可避免地意味着削减公共部门和社会项目；这通常与对公司和富人的税收减免和激励措施相吻合，这进一步限制了公共金库为另一轮支持进一步削减开支的“橱柜是空的”论点做准备。其次，人们对学校所教授的内容及其效果提出了“担忧”。通常，这与回归基础的推动相吻合，特别是在计算和识字方面，以及准备不足的教师在“工作世界”所需技能方面缩短学生的叙述，再加上反复的反工会言论和行动。引用国际比较（PISA）来证明，虽然“我们的”考试成绩在下降，但其他国家的表现更好。然而，政策的解毒剂不是增加资金或减少班级或更专业的发展。不可避免地，“修复”包括缩小教育重点，强调“基础”而不是应用和深度学习，对学生进行更多测试，以及对教育工作者进行更多监督，以确保我们获得“物有所值”。在这种情况下，“价值”通过学生在标准化测试或其他基于比较的测量中的表现以及难以捉摸的企业认可印章来证明，即学生已做好充分准备在未来的工作场所担任职务（无论他们长什么样子） ）。但有一件事是肯定的：它涉及更少的教师和教育工作者，学生的选择减少，资源总体减少。这正是安省当前劳工骚乱的原因，所有四个教育工会都参与了全省的工作