In politics as in life, relationships matter. For Canada, the most important of those political relationships has long been between presidents and prime ministers and the teams of public servants working under them. Managed properly, these relationships can result in historic achievements but, when embittered, bilateral cooperation begins to grind against the political friction. In 1940, Mackenzie King and Franklin Roosevelt built the foundation of a continental alliance in an informal conversation while sitting in the president’s private rail car outside Ogdensburg, New York. In 1986, Brian Mulroney sealed the most important trade deal in Canadian history, breaking through an impasse with Ronald Reagan’s chief negotiator, James Baker, by threatening to phone his boss (Mulroney 2007). Conversely, in 2019, Justin Trudeau was caught mocking Donald Trump at a NATO summit in London, England, while the president, in turn, attacked the prime minister after the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation cut Trump’s cameo from its airing of the movie Home Alone 2, tweeting: “I guess Justin T[rudeau] doesn’t much like my making him pay up on NATO or Trade! [sic]” (Trump 2019b). There is little doubt that Donald Trump’s arrival in the White House in 2016 had a disruptive impact on traditional diplomatic norms. There is also a general agreement amongst scholars in the field, and those entrusted with maintaining and nurturing diplomatic relations, that the process of managing Canadian–American relations will now require a new set of guidelines and processes to handle a new degree of uncertainty. What most political leaders covet in working with both allies and adversaries is certainty and predictability. Canadian officials no longer enjoy this luxury. If anything, what Donald Trump has demonstrated since coming to office is that he is, and will remain, predictably unpredictable. This shift to unpredictability and occasionally bellicosity has jarred the Canadian political establishment and population more generally. It is all the more shocking given the overwhelming popularity that Trump’s predecessor enjoyed north of the border. As John Kennedy, Cameron Anderson, and Laura B. Stephenson point out in this issue, Barack Obama enjoyed the confidence of 83 percent of Canadians. After Trump’s surprise victory, 70 percent of Canadians expressed dissatisfaction with the former reality television star and political neophyte. Under Trump, more Canadians now see the US as a “negative force” in the world, more so even than North Korea. The shift is just as jarring at the top, with Prime Minister Trudeau forced to abandon his “bromance” (Boudreau 2019) with

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客座编辑介绍：特朗普时代的加美关系

在政治和生活中，关系很重要。对加拿大而言，这些政治关系中最重要的一直是总统和总理以及在他们手下工作的公务员团队之间的关系。如果管理得当，这些关系可以带来历史性的成就，但一旦陷入困境，双边合作就会开始对抗政治摩擦。1940 年，麦肯齐·金和富兰克林·罗斯福坐在纽约奥格登斯堡郊外的总统私人有轨电车上，通过非正式的谈话建立了大陆联盟的基础。1986 年，布赖恩·马尔罗尼 (Brian Mulroney) 敲定了加拿大历史上最重要的贸易协议，打破了与罗纳德·里根 (Ronald Reagan) 的首席谈判代表詹姆斯·贝克 (James Baker) 的僵局，威胁要打电话给他的老板 (Mulroney 2007)。相反，在 2019 年，贾斯汀·特鲁多 (Justin Trudeau) 在英国伦敦举行的北约峰会上被发现嘲笑唐纳德·特朗普，而在加拿大广播公司将特朗普的客串从电影《小鬼当家 2》播出后，总统反过来攻击了总理，他在推特上写道：“我猜Justin T[rudeau] 不太喜欢我让他为北约或贸易买单！[原文如此]”（特朗普 2019b）。毫无疑问，唐纳德特朗普于 2016 年入主白宫对传统外交规范产生了颠覆性影响。该领域的学者以及负责维持和培养外交关系的学者也达成普遍共识，即管理加美关系的过程现在需要一套新的指导方针和程序来处理新程度的不确定性。大多数政治领导人渴望与盟友和对手合作的是确定性和可预测性。加拿大官员不再享受这种奢侈。如果有的话，唐纳德特朗普自上任以来所表明的就是，他是，而且将仍然是不可预测的。这种向不可预测性和偶尔好战的转变更普遍地震动了加拿大的政治机构和民众。鉴于特朗普的前任在边境以北享有压倒性的人气，这更加令人震惊。正如约翰肯尼迪、卡梅伦安德森和劳拉 B.斯蒂芬森在本期中指出的那样，巴拉克奥巴马享有 83% 的加拿大人的信心。在特朗普意外获胜后，70% 的加拿大人对这位前真人秀电视明星和政治新手表示不满。在特朗普的领导下，越来越多的加拿大人现在将美国视为世界上的“负面力量”，甚至比朝鲜还要多。这种转变在高层也同样令人不安，总理特鲁多被迫放弃他的“兄弟情谊”（Boudreau 2019）