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Keep the Days: Reading the Civil War Diaries of Southern Women
American Nineteenth Century History Pub Date : 2019-09-02 , DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2019.1678835
J. Matthew Ward 1
Affiliation  

forefront of the author’s analysis, which strives to simultaneously attest to both the independent “power of art” and to the fact that “Maryland, My Maryland” happened to be “the right piece, in the right place, at the right time” (p. 302). Readers resistant to the idea that a song’s appeal can exist separately from its context, if even in part, might question whether the allure of this famous song can be credited more to perceptions of its authenticity than to its felicitous combination of notes and lyrics. Much of the narrative arc in Maryland, My Maryland follows familiar contours of Civil War patriotism. “Maryland, My Maryland” was born in the aftermath of Baltimore’s Pratt Street Riot, just as, Davis explains, a naïve “bargain patriotism” was giving way to a less innocent posture (p. 9). It reached its highpoint during Robert E. Lee’s Maryland Campaign in September 1862, when hopes of Confederate victory burned brightest (and Maryland itself seemed within the Confederacy’s grasp). But defeat at Antietam took the bite out of the song as a southern anthem. In one remarkable passage, Davis shows how the same Confederate soldiers who proudly sung “Maryland, My Maryland” as they crossed over the Potomac into the state subsequently rebuked the bands who attempted to play it to them again on their retreat to Virginia. Rather than dismiss the song altogether, however, Confederates shifted its meaning to a new “patriotism of sacrifice and suffering” that highlighted the tyranny of the North and the victimhood of the South (p. xxiii). Then, as their chances of victory dwindled, inflation soared, conscription expanded, and desertion increased, the song and its meaning transformed yet again. With Maryland now a “symbolic martyr to the Southern cause,” the song ended the war celebrating a mythical ideal of the South and its imagined past, not its reality (p. xxiv). At times, the extent to which Davis’s examination of “Maryland, My Maryland” complements established accounts of Confederate patriotism and nationalism is striking. If, as Davis suggests, Drew Gilpin Faust’s description of Confederate nationalism is practically interchangeable with his own assessment of patriotic Confederate musical practice then the degree to which Maryland, My Maryland pushes historical debate forward on this issue is debatable (p. 300). Historians are certainly prone to oversimplifying the meaning of patriotic songs in the Civil War, though few are equally prone to overlooking the “fluidity,” or contingencies, of patriotism during the conflict more broadly. Ironically, the more music is contextualized the more it can seem as if it reflects a history we already know. Yet, Davis is not telling a story that has been told. The Confederate state might have failed but Confederate nationalism did not crack so easily. And Maryland, My Maryland’s account of the malleability, attraction, and power of this awkwardly state-specific Confederate anthem goes a long way towards suggesting how the symbols of rebellion had always been capable of outliving its collapse. In the wake of Charlottesville, perhaps we should pay attention.

中文翻译:

保持日子:阅读南方妇女的内战日记

作者分析的最前沿,努力同时证明独立的“艺术力量”和“马里兰,我的马里兰”恰好是“正确的作品,在正确的时间,正确的地点”(第 302 页)。对歌曲的吸引力可以与其上下文分开存在的观点持反对意见的读者,即使是部分地,他们可能会质疑这首著名歌曲的魅力是否更多地归功于对其真实性的看法,而不是音符和歌词的巧妙结合。马里兰州的大部分叙事弧,我的马里兰州都遵循内战爱国主义的熟悉轮廓。“马里兰,我的马里兰”诞生于巴尔的摩的普拉特街骚乱之后,戴维斯解释说,正如天真的“廉价爱国主义”正在让位于不那么天真的姿态(第 9 页)。它在罗伯特 E 期间达到了顶峰。1862 年 9 月李的马里兰战役,当时邦联胜利的希望最燃(马里兰本身似乎在邦联的掌控之中)。但是在 Antietam 的失败使这首歌成为了南方国歌。在一段引人注目的段落中,戴维斯展示了那些在穿越波托马克河进入该州时自豪地唱着“马里兰,我的马里兰”的南方邦联士兵如何斥责那些试图在撤退到弗吉尼亚时再次向他们演奏的乐队。然而,Confederates 并没有完全摒弃这首歌,而是将其意义转变为一种新的“牺牲和苦难的爱国主义”,突出了北方的暴政和南方的受害者(第 xxiii 页)。然后,随着他们获胜的机会越来越少,通货膨胀飙升,征兵扩大,开小差增加,这首歌及其意义再次发生了变化。马里兰州现在是“南方事业的象征性殉道者”,这首歌结束了战争,庆祝南方神话般的理想及其想象的过去,而不是现实(第 xxiv 页)。有时,戴维斯对“马里兰,我的马里兰”的考察对邦联爱国主义和民族主义的既定描述的补充程度是惊人的。如果,正如戴维斯所说,德鲁吉尔平浮士德对邦联民族主义的描述实际上可以与他自己对爱国邦联音乐实践的评估互换,那么马里兰州,我的马里兰州在这个问题上推动历史辩论的程度是有争议的(第 300 页)。历史学家当然倾向于过分简化内战中爱国歌曲的含义,尽管很少有人同样倾向于忽视“流动性,”或更广泛的冲突期间爱国主义的突发事件。具有讽刺意味的是,音乐越被语境化,它就越像是反映了我们已经知道的历史。然而,戴维斯并不是在讲述一个已经被讲述过的故事。邦联国家可能已经失败,但邦联民族主义并没有那么容易破解。而马里兰州,我的马里兰州对这首笨拙的州特定邦联国歌的延展性、吸引力和力量的描述,在很大程度上暗示了叛乱的象征如何始终能够经受住其崩溃的考验。在夏洛茨维尔之后,也许我们应该注意。邦联国家可能已经失败,但邦联民族主义并没有那么容易破解。而马里兰州,我的马里兰州对这首笨拙的州特定邦联国歌的延展性、吸引力和力量的描述,在很大程度上暗示了叛乱的象征如何始终能够经受住其崩溃的考验。在夏洛茨维尔之后,也许我们应该注意。邦联国家可能已经失败,但邦联民族主义并没有那么容易破解。而马里兰州,我的马里兰州对这首笨拙的州特定邦联国歌的延展性、吸引力和力量的描述,在很大程度上暗示了叛乱的象征如何始终能够经受住其崩溃的考验。在夏洛茨维尔之后,也许我们应该注意。
更新日期:2019-09-02
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