In a 2015 Daily Show segment, Trevor Noah dubbed presidential candidate Donald J. Trump the first African president of the United States, in the likeness of African dictators such as Idi Amin and Robert Mugabe. Beyond the cheekiness of Noah, who references the “weird hair” and “lavish lifestyle” of Trump and his counterparts on the African continent, this clip resonated with me profoundly. As an African feminist cisgender woman academic in the Trump era, I could draw connections between the current U.S. political context and my upbringing in Abidjan, Ivory Coast. In the 1990s, Ivorians thrived under the authoritarian and paternalistic rule of President Houphou€etBoigny. This era was also marked by structural adjustment policies, economic strife, student strikes, violence, and the HIV/AIDS epidemic. In the 2000s, we experienced a protracted civil war. Amid the trouble, life, work, and play continued remarkably uninterrupted, peppered by matter-of-fact anecdotes that individuals shared about their circumstances. My relatives exemplified this pragmatic attitude. During a 2011 visit to Abidjan, they gave me the “bullet tour” of their house, showcasing holes in their roof in unfazed fashion. Stories followed about some of their favorite civil war recipes, which involved making do with what was available when they were unable to venture out. As I share these stories, I am aware that I risk romanticizing strife and reproducing the usual tropes about the African continent to a Western American audience (e.g., war, disease). However, my goal is to paint a nuanced picture of disenfranchised communities surviving and thriving under crisis. What then is the connection between Trevor Noah, an African upbringing, and this forum on African feminist and queer coalitions in Women’s Studies in Communication? To answer this question, I turn to the status of Africa in Western scholarship and the place of African feminist and queer approaches in feminist communication studies. I acknowledge that “Africa” encompasses a variety of contexts and configurations (historical, political, and cultural). However, I use the singular to refer to a theoretical and imaginary space, which has historically been equated with absence, disorder, and chaos under Western epistemological worldviews. The field of communication studies is no exception, as scholarship on African contexts remains scant. Such an absence is problematic because it perpetuates the notion of Africa as a theoretical vacuum that has nothing to contribute to scholarly debates and lived experiences. Hence, my opening narrative counters unconscious biases by recentering African contexts as spaces, which stand to teach U.S.-based scholars much about resilience and thriving under

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简介：非洲女权主义者和酷儿联盟

在 2015 年的“每日秀”片段中，特雷弗·诺亚 (Trevor Noah) 将总统候选人唐纳德·J·特朗普 (Donald J. Trump) 称为美国第一位非洲总统，就像伊迪·阿明 (Idi Amin) 和罗伯特·穆加贝 (Robert Mugabe) 等非洲独裁者一样。除了诺亚的厚颜无耻之外，他提到了特朗普及其非洲大陆同行的“怪异头发”和“奢华生活方式”，这段视频让我产生了深刻的共鸣。作为特朗普时代的一名非洲女权主义顺性别女性学者，我可以将当​​前美国的政治背景与我在科特迪瓦阿比让的成长经历联系起来。1990 年代，科特迪瓦人在侯普埃·博伊尼总统的专制和家长式统治下蓬勃发展。这个时代还以结构调整政策、经济冲突、学生罢工、暴力和艾滋病毒/艾滋病流行为标志。在 2000 年代，我们经历了一场旷日持久的内战。在麻烦中，生活、工作和娱乐继续非常不间断，充斥着个人分享的关于他们环境的实事求是的轶事。我的亲戚就是这种务实态度的典范。在 2011 年访问阿比让期间，他们让我参观了他们的房子，以毫不畏惧的方式展示了他们屋顶上的洞。故事讲述了他们最喜欢的一些内战食谱，其中包括在他们无法冒险时利用可用的东西。当我分享这些故事时，我意识到我冒着将冲突浪漫化的风险，并向美国西部的观众再现关于非洲大陆的常见比喻（例如，战争、疾病）。然而，我的目标是描绘被剥夺权利的社区在危机中生存和繁荣的微妙画面。那么，特雷弗·诺亚 (Trevor Noah) 是一个非洲人，与这个关于女性传播研究中的非洲女权主义者和酷儿联盟的论坛之间有什么联系？为了回答这个问题，我转向非洲在西方学术中的地位以及非洲女权主义和酷儿方法在女权主义传播研究中的地位。我承认“非洲”包含各种背景和结构（历史、政治和文化）。然而，我使用单数来指代一个理论和想象的空间，在西方认识论的世界观下，它在历史上等同于缺席、无序和混乱。传播研究领域也不例外，因为关于非洲背景的学术研究仍然很少。这种缺席是有问题的，因为它延续了非洲作为理论真空的概念，对学术辩论和生活经验没有任何贡献。因此，我的开篇叙述通过将非洲背景重新定位为空间来反击无意识的偏见，这将教会美国学者很多关于韧性和繁荣的知识