This paper reviews the literature on vegetarianism (veg) and meat-eating (nonveg) in India. My central aim is to explore how vegetarianism and meat-eating are addressed in existing research in order to identify gaps and pave the way for a new research agenda on the complex and changing relationship between vegetarianism and meat-eating at different levels—consumers, markets and regulators—in contemporary India. Why and how Hindus eat meat is not well understood and much of the existing literature often assumes that not only does the concept of ahimsa (noninjury to all living creatures), cow veneration and banning of cow slaughter prevent Hindus from eating meat, but also that the relationship between vegetarianism and meat-eating is relatively simple and stable among Hindu groups. What is more, India is a major exporter of meat and water buffalo beef in particular. In Hindu nationalist discourses, as well as scholarly studies, Hindu meat-eating is often seen as exceptional and/or due to spiritual, ritual or religious circumstances, rather than as an everyday practice. However, the complex and contested relationship between vegetarianism and meat-eating is as topical as ever: in 2011, the Indian state made it mandatory that all processed food products should bear marks to indicate whether products are vegetarian (green) or non-vegetarian (brown) and with the rise of consumer culture in super/hypermarkets, these logos are ubiquitous on packagings throughout India. I argue that the above aspects have been central in the making of a powerful vegetarian ideology that has seduced much of the scholarship on vegetarianism into suggesting that vegetarianism in India is dominant among Hindus. The central research question concerns why and how a vegetarian ideology IJAPS, Vol. 15, No. 1, 1–32, 2019 Veg or Non-veg? 2 has created the hegemonic view of vegetarianism as proper Hindu practice and how Hindus respond to and are affected by this over time. In the last part of the paper, I report on fieldwork conducted in the city of Hyderabad and using this local setting I explore veg and non-veg among consumers, markets and regulators.

中文翻译：

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蔬菜还是非蔬菜？从集市到印度大卖场

本文回顾了印度关于素食（素食）和肉食（非素食）的文献。我的主要目标是探索在现有研究中如何解决素食主义和肉食问题，以找出差距，并为新的研究议程铺平道路，以解决不同层面（消费者，市场）素食主义者和肉食之间复杂且不断变化的关系和监管者-在当代印度。印度教徒吃肉的原因和方式尚未得到很好的理解，现有文献中的许多文献经常认为，不仅不知道阿希姆撒（对所有活物没有伤害）的概念，牛敬拜和禁止牛宰杀都妨碍了印度教徒吃肉，而且在印度教群体中，素食主义与肉食之间的关系相对简单稳定。更，印度尤其是肉类和水牛的主要出口国。在印度教的民族主义话语以及学术研究中，印度教的肉食常常被认为是例外和/或由于精神，礼节或宗教情况而引起的，而不是日常习惯。但是，素食主义与肉食之间的复杂且存在争议的关系一如既往：2011年，印度政府强制所有加工食品都应带有标记，以表明产品是素食主义者（绿色）还是非素食主义者（棕色）以及超级市场/超级市场中消费者文化的兴起，这些徽标在印度各地的包装上无处不在。我认为上述方面是建立强大的素食意识形态的核心，这种意识形态吸引了许多有关素食主义的学术研究，这表明印度的素食主义在印度教徒中占主导地位。中心研究问题涉及素食意识形态的原因和方式。15，No. 1，1–32，2019蔬菜还是非蔬菜？2创造了对素食主义的霸权主义观点，认为这是正确的印度教徒习俗，以及随着时间的流逝印度教徒对此的反应和影响。在本文的最后一部分中，我报告了在海得拉巴市进行的田野调查，并使用这种本地环境探索了消费者，市场和监管机构之间的素食主义者和非素食主义者。2019蔬菜还是非蔬菜？2创造了对素食主义的霸权主义观点，认为这是正确的印度教徒习俗，以及随着时间的流逝印度教徒对此的反应和影响。在本文的最后一部分中，我报告了在海得拉巴市进行的田野调查，并使用这种本地环境探索了消费者，市场和监管机构之间的素食主义者和非素食主义者。2019蔬菜还是非蔬菜？2创造了对素食主义的霸权主义观点，认为这是正确的印度教习俗，以及随着时间的流逝，印度教徒如何应对并受其影响。在本文的最后一部分中，我报告了在海得拉巴市进行的田野调查，并使用这种本地环境探索了消费者，市场和监管机构之间的素食主义者和非素食主义者。