The present paper investigates null arbitrary subjects in Greek that trigger either a generic or an existential interpretation. Null arbitrary subjects in Greek are permitted with 2sg, 1pl and 3pl verbal agreement. The synergy between imperfective marking alongside a clause-initial XP (overt or null) results in genericity, whereas perfective marking alongside an overt or covert clause-initial XP corroborates an existential reading. Moreover, the difference between a 2sg generic reading vs. a 2sg referential one amounts to the absence vs. the presence of a D-feature (=[definite]) on the verbal agreement morpheme/inflection (i.e. empty [d] vs. specified [d]-marked verbal agreement). Contra Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (1998), V-T movement is unable to delete the D-feature of the EPP on T in these arbitrary constructions. Instead, both generic and existential constructions satisfy the EPP in a uniform manner; an XP (overt or covert) merges on SpecTP and satisfies the D-feature of the EPP, whereas movement of the verb to T satisfies the remaining agreement feature bundle of T. It is further postulated that the defective verbal morphology of these constructions also satisfies an Arb-gen or an Arb-ex feature through movement to AspP.

本文研究了触发通用或存在解释的希腊语中的任意主语。2sg，1pl和3pl口头协议允许使用希腊语中的任意主语。不完全标记与子句初始XP（显性或空值）之间的协同作用会导致通用性，而完美标记和子句初始XP或隐性子句初始XP共同证实了存在性读法。此外，2sg通用读物与2sg参照读物之间的差异等于口头同意语素/词尾变化（即空[ d ] vs.指定）的D特征（= [确定]）的存在与否。[d ]标明的口头协议）。相反，Alexiadou和Anagnostopoulou（1998），在这些任意构造中，VT运动无法删除T上EPP的D特征。取而代之的是，通用结构和存在结构都以统一的方式满足EPP。XP（公开或隐蔽）在SpecTP上合并并满足EPP的D特征，而动词向T的移动满足T的其余协议特征束。还可以假定，这些构造的有缺陷的言语形态也满足一个套利根或套利-前通过运动功能ASPP。