In the years following World War II, Europe experienced two astonishing transformations. After centuries of frantic competition for imperial dominance across the globe, European countries began to reform their empires and then swiftly dismantle them. Despite initial brutal attempts to suppress anticolonialism, Britain, France, and other countries ultimately surrendered to the pressures of postwar recovery and Afro-Asian liberation movements and declared, in the words of British primeminister HaroldMacmillan, that “wemust all accept as a fact . . . the great experiments in self-government . . . in Africa and Asia.” In an equally startling shift, western and central European countries began to eschew the intense and violent nationalism that had long dominated continental politics, moving toward unprecedented transnational cooperation. In a web of new treaties and institutions, European governments rushed to limit their own state sovereignty in favor of a broad, supranational European federation. For many, this integration was not a mere novel political experiment but the foundation of postwar European identity. AsWest German chancellor Konrad Adenauer proclaimed in 1952, “the people must be given a new ideology. It can only be a European one.” Even though decolonization and European integration unfolded at the same time, their stories have remained oddly separated from each other. Scholars have rarely examined how Europeans’ rethinking of their global role overseas coincided and evolved alongside their ideas about politics at home. But for many Protestant Europeans, decolonization and transnational integration were deeply intertwined; their support for one helped fuel and shape their embrace of the other. Protestants had once been ardent proponents of imperial expansion, seeing it as an active and necessary part of their quest to Christianize and “civilize” the globe. Yet in the aftermath of World War I, some Protestant thinkers, church leaders, and politicians across northern, central, and western Europe began to call for imperial disengagement and continental cooperation, a transformation that presaged and spearheaded the continent’s post–WorldWar II political reconfigurations. In a broad intellectual and political campaign, leading Protestants

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新教、非殖民化和欧洲一体化，1885-1961

二战后的几年里，欧洲经历了两次惊人的转变。经过几个世纪在全球范围内对帝国统治的疯狂竞争，欧洲国家开始改革他们的帝国，然后迅速瓦解。尽管最初为镇压反殖民主义进行了残酷的尝试，但英国、法国和其他国家最终屈服于战后复苏和亚非解放运动的压力，并用英国首相哈罗德·麦克米伦的话说，“我们都必须接受这一事实。. . 自治的伟大实验。. . 在非洲和亚洲。” 在同样惊人的转变中，西欧和中欧国家开始避开长期以来主导大陆政治的强烈而暴力的民族主义，转向前所未有的跨国合作。在新条约和机构的网络中，欧洲各国政府急于限制自己的国家主权，以支持一个广泛的、超国家的欧洲联邦。对许多人来说，这种融合不仅仅是一个新颖的政治实验，而是战后欧洲认同的基础。正如西德总理康拉德·阿登纳 (Konrad Adenauer) 于 1952 年宣布的那样，“必须给人民一种新的意识形态。它只能是欧洲的。” 尽管非殖民化和欧洲一体化同时展开，但它们的故事却奇怪地彼此分开。学者们很少研究欧洲人重新思考他们在海外的全球角色是如何与他们对国内政治的想法同时发生和演变的。但是对于许多新教欧洲人来说，非殖民化和跨国融合是深深交织在一起的。他们对一个的支持有助于激发和塑造他们对另一个的拥抱。新教徒曾经是帝国扩张的热心支持者，将其视为他们寻求基督教化和“文明化”全球的积极和必要的一部分。然而，在第一次世界大战之后，北欧、中欧和西欧的一些新教思想家、教会领袖和政治家开始呼吁帝国脱离接触和大陆合作，这种转变预示并引领了二战后欧洲大陆的政治重组. 在广泛的知识和政治运动中，领导新教徒 北欧、中欧和西欧的一些新教思想家、教会领袖和政治家开始呼吁帝国脱离接触和大陆合作，这种转变预示并引领了二战后欧洲大陆的政治重组。在广泛的知识和政治运动中，领导新教徒 北欧、中欧和西欧的一些新教思想家、教会领袖和政治家开始呼吁帝国脱离接触和大陆合作，这种转变预示并引领了二战后欧洲大陆的政治重组。在广泛的知识和政治运动中，领导新教徒