ed spaces that have no continuities and thus, they claim, “no cultural significance.” This is how wastelands are produced as a part of the ongoing process of land seizure in Hawaiʻi. To borrow Fujikane’s phrase, Indigenous relations to and conceptions of land shatter such “fragile fictions” and settler logics.6 Protectors, Not Protestors The same month that the Pacific Climate Warriors blocked Newcastle Harbor in Australia, the young Kānaka who would later become the most visible in the direct actions on Mauna Kea intervened in the groundbreaking of the Thirty-Meter Telescope (TMT). If built, the TMT would be the largest building on Hawai‘i island (popularly called the “Big Island”), eighteen stories high and occupying over five acres of land near the summit.7 For many years, a hui (group) of Kānaka have been working to assert and protect their genealogical connections to elements and deities of the mountain against an expanding footprint of astronomical observatories and telescopes (Casumbal-Salazar 2014). Those earlier battles were often fought in the courts (Puhipau and Lander 2005). But the disruption of the TMT groundbreaking ceremony and subsequent direct action tactics on Mauna a Wākea brought international attention to these protracted struggles. The ways the self-described “protectors, not protestors” or kiaʻi mauna (guardians of the mountain) conducted the struggle has much to teach us in terms of this essay’s central question of how to transform settler colonial relations with land. There were three levels at which protectors challenged the settler state’s legitimacy over the permitting of the TMT construction: in Indigenous terms, in national terms and in settler state terms. Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/south-atlantic-quarterly/article-pdf/116/1/184/472191/ddsaq_116_1_16G-Kaopua_Fpp.pdf by guest on 02 November 2019 Goodyear-Kaʻōpua • Protectors of the Future, Not Protestors of the Past 189 Protectors of Mauna a Wākea—the mountain of Wākea—see the mauna, first and foremost, as an ancestor and a home of deities (Maly and Maly 2005). It is the highest point in Oceania. Measured from its base under the ocean to the tip of the summit, Mauna a Wākea is the tallest mountain in the world. It rises above 40 percent of the earth’s atmosphere. Kanaka Maoli recognize the mauna as home to numerous akua (gods). As protector, Mehana Kihoi pointed out a few weeks in to her occupation on the mauna “all of the deities on this mauna are wāhine, and they all are water forms” (Mo‘olelo Aloha ‘Āina 2015). Mauna Kea’s sacredness has to do not only with its remoteness from the realm of regular human activity but also with its significance in collecting the waters that sustain life. The summit is contained within a large land district, or ahupuaʻa, named Kaʻohe. Dr. Pualani Kanakaʻole Kanahele (2015) explains: “In giving the ahupuaʻa the name of Kaʻohe . . . the ʻohe is the product that gathers water in itself. If we live in a bamboo forest, there’s always water in the bamboo. This same idea was given to this particular land because the water gathers in this land. . . . It is the ʻohe. It is the place that we will find water, always.” Hawaiian efforts to stop construction on the summit have been rooted in the ceremonial honoring of the various elemental forms of akua who reside on the mountain and thus give continued life through a healthy water supply. Protectors point out the ways the TMT would impact that water and thus human health. Protectors have also drawn upon at least two legal regimes in their defense of the mauna: Hawaiian Kingdom law and settler state of Hawaiʻi law. The sacred summit is part of the corpus of lands that were illegally seized from the Hawaiian Kingdom in 1893, when a small group of sugar planters usurped power with backing from the US military. The Hawaiian Kingdom Crown and Government lands—together known as the Hawaiian national lands—remain under control of what protectors on the mauna continue to assert are illegally seized lands, over which the United States and State of Hawaiʻi have no rightful jurisdiction. Thus, on Hawaiian national terms, protectors assert their rights to challenge construction projects permitted by an illegitimate settler government. But protectors have also worked within settler state legal regimes to halt construction, using the settler state’s own laws to challenge the construction of a large complex of buildings on lands that the state itself has zoned for conservation. As of this writing, the TMT project was officially put on pause when a state court found that the Board of Land and Natural Resources violated its own rules in issuing the permit and that petitioners against the TMT had not given due process when the conservation district use permit was issued for the project. Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/south-atlantic-quarterly/article-pdf/116/1/184/472191/ddsaq_116_1_16G-Kaopua_Fpp.pdf by guest on 02 November 2019 190 The South Atlantic Quarterly • Against the Day • January 2017 In addition to these layered ways of thinking about land and challenging the TMT, protectors further help us to think about ways to transform settler colonial land tenure through the ways they conducted what observers would describe as a blockade of the roadway to the summit and construction site. But the term blockade suggests a hard line, a line of exclusion, and what the protectors created was a space of engagement and an opening to “come join us.” Prior to and following the April 2, 2015, arrests of those who used their bodies as barriers against the heavy machinery on its way to the summit, protectors established an “Aloha Checkpoint” for engaging police forces, tourists, construction workers, and others. The Aloha Checkpoint differed from a typical blockade in that protectors were not seeking to establish a border that would exclude anyone besides themselves. This was not a possessive, jurisdictional line. The checkpoint served as a porous boundary that was only intended to block construction vehicles. Furthermore, protectors used the checkpoint as a place to invite opponents and unknowing visitors to talk story. Whether passersby remained in their vehicles or got out to join occupiers in the makeshift tents that served as a kitchen and gathering area, protectors created a space for dialogue and an opportunity to engage in discussion about the ways the TMT project would impact at least five acres of the summit, with its various sites of worship, observation, and hiding places for the bones and umbilical cords of generations of some Hawaiian families. So many supporters donated food during the months-long stand on the mauna that the Aloha Checkpoint also unintentionally became a sort of “soup kitchen.” At least one Kanaka relayed that he would pick up houseless people in Hilo and drive them up to the mauna so that hungry folks could eat while also learning about the struggle (Kalaniākea Wilson, pers. comm., April 12, 2016). While the checkpoint was intended to keep construction vehicles out, it was not intended to keep those who operated them off the mountain. Construction workers and police officers, many of whom were also Native Hawaiians, learned through the engagements and in some cases brought their families back up to the mauna when they were off duty, with the intention of learning more and sharing aloha and dialogue with the protectors. A kapu aloha—a philosophy and practice of nonviolent engagement— guided the Aloha Checkpoint and the associated activism on the mauna. Movement leader, kumu hula (master hula teacher), and kiaʻi mauna, Pua Case describes this kapu as grounded in the teachings of kūpuna (elders), and she emphasizes the way the kapu calls one to carry oneself with the highest level of compassion for ʻāina and for all people one may encounter (Maly and Maly 2005). The kapu aloha requires the discipline of empathy, even and especially for those with whom one may disagree. It is not a command to compromise with or assent to harm. The kapu aloha is not intended Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/south-atlantic-quarterly/article-pdf/116/1/184/472191/ddsaq_116_1_16G-Kaopua_Fpp.pdf by guest on 02 November 2019 Goodyear-Kaʻōpua • Protectors of the Future, Not Protestors of the Past 191 as a release valve that makes it possible for people to continue enduring intolerable conditions, or to look away from wrongdoing. Speaking to a crowd gathered on the mauna during the occupation, Lanakila Mangauil (2015)— the young leader who disrupted the TMT groundbreaking ceremony in October 2014—expressed that the kapu aloha was particularly important in guiding behavior in a sacred place such as the mountain summit in the wao akua. Such an environment, he explained, reminds people to speak and act with focus, courage, and the deepest respect, even to those who ascend the mountain “on the machines that would rip up our sacred place. We speak to them with the utmost respect and aloha and compassion” (Mele ma ka Mauna 2015). The kapu aloha is a directive to try to understand the circumstances that bring one’s opponent to the moment of confrontation. This kind of aloha manifested, for instance, in protectors greeting law enforcement officials who had come to remove them from the mountain with lei lāʻī (garlands of made from ti-leaf, known for its protective and healing qualities) and explicit statements recognizing their interrelatedness. Photographic and video images of law enforcement officers exchanging hā (breath), nose-to-nose and forehead-to-forehead with protectors circulated virally through social media channels, underscoring the ways that even when settler colonial relations pit Kanaka against Kanaka, we recognize one another (see figure 1). In many ways, the Aloha Checkpoint and the kapu aloha that ruled it changed the terms of political engagement. Protectors sought not to exclude but to powerfully remind opponents of the ways that the

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未来的保护者，而不是过去的抗议者：土著太平洋激进主义和 Mauna a Wākea

教育空间没有连续性，因此他们声称“没有文化意义”。这就是作为夏威夷正在进行的土地征用过程的一部分而产生荒地的方式。借用 Fujikane 的话，与土地的土著关系和概念粉碎了这种“脆弱的虚构”和定居者逻辑。 6 保护者，而不是抗议者 太平洋气候战士封锁澳大利亚纽卡斯尔港的同一个月，年轻的卡纳卡后来成为最在莫纳克亚山的直接行动中可见干预了三十米望远镜（TMT）的开创性。如果建成，TMT 将成为夏威夷岛（俗称“大岛”）上最大的建筑，高 18 层，占据山顶附近超过 5 英亩的土地。 7 多年来，Kānaka 的一个回族（团体）一直在努力维护和保护他们与山中元素和神灵的系谱联系，以防止天文台和望远镜的足迹不断扩大（Casumbal-Salazar 2014）。那些较早的战斗通常在法庭上进行（Puhipau 和 Lander 2005）。但是，TMT 奠基仪式的中断以及随后对 Mauna a Wākea 的直接行动策略使国际关注这些旷日持久的斗争。自称为“保护者，而不是抗议者”或 kia'i mauna（山的守护者）进行斗争的方式在这篇文章的核心问题是如何改变定居者与土地的殖民关系方面有很多教给我们。保护者在三个层面上质疑定居者国家在 TMT 建设许可方面的合法性：土著条款、国家条款和定居者国家条款。来自 https://read.dukeupress.edu/south-atlantic-quarterly/article-pdf/116/1/184/472191/ddsaq_116_1_16G-Kaopua_Fpp.pdf 由客人于 2019 年 11 月 2 日下载固特异-Kaʻōpua • 未来的保护者，不是过去的抗议者 Mauna a Wākea（Wākea 山）的 189 名保护者首先将 mauna 视为祖先和神灵的家园（Maly 和 Maly 2005）。它是大洋洲的最高点。Mauna a Wākea 从海底底部一直测量到山顶，是世界上最高的山峰。它上升到地球大气层的 40% 以上。卡纳卡毛利将莫纳视为众多阿库阿（众神）的家园。作为保护者，Mehana Kihoi 在几周前就她对 mauna 的职业指出，“这个 mauna 上的所有神灵都是 wāhine，它们都是水的形式”（Mo'olelo Aloha 'Āina 2015）。莫纳克亚山的神圣性不仅与它远离常规人类活动的领域有关，而且与它在收集维持生命的水方面的重要性有关。山顶位于一个名为 Ka'ohe 的大型陆地区域或 ahupua'a 内。Pualani Kanakaʻole Kanahele 博士（2015 年）解释说：“将 ahupuaʻa 命名为 Kaʻohe。. . 'ohe 是本身收集水的产品。如果我们住在竹林里，竹子里总有水。同样的想法也被赋予了这片特殊的土地，因为水聚集在这片土地上。. . . 它是`ohe。这是我们会找到水的地方，总是。” 夏威夷人停止在山顶建设的努力植根于对居住在山上的各种基本形式的阿库阿的仪式性纪念，从而通过健康的供水提供延续的生命。保护者指出了 TMT 会影响水以及人类健康的方式。保护者还至少利用了两种法律制度来保护莫纳人：夏威夷王国法和夏威夷移民州法。神圣的首脑会议是 1893 年从夏威夷王国非法夺取的土地的一部分，当时一小群甘蔗种植者在美国军方的支持下篡夺了权力。夏威夷王国皇冠和政府土地——统称为夏威夷国家土地——仍然在莫纳保护者的控制之下，他们继续声称是非法夺取的土地，美国和夏威夷州对此没有合法管辖权。因此，根据夏威夷的国家条款，保护者有权挑战非法定居者政府允许的建设项目。但是保护者也在定居者州的法律制度内努力停止建设，利用定居者州自己的法律来挑战在该州本身划为保护区的土地上建造大型建筑群。在撰写本文时，当州法院发现土地和自然资源委员会在颁发许可证时违反了自己的规则，并且反对 TMT 的请愿人在保护区使用时没有提供正当程序时，TMT 项目正式暂停。为该项目颁发了许可证。从 https://read.dukeupress 下载。edu/south-atlantic-quarterly/article-pdf/116/1/184/472191/ddsaq_116_1_16G-Kaopua_Fpp.pdf 由客人于 2019 年 11 月 2 日撰写 190 南大西洋季刊 • 反对这一天 • 2017 年 1 月 除了这些分层方式之外考虑土地并挑战 TMT，保护者进一步帮助我们思考如何通过他们进行观察者所说的封锁通往山顶和建筑工地的道路的方式来改变定居者的殖民地土地所有权。但是封锁这个词暗示了一条强硬路线，一条排斥线，保护者创造的是一个参与的空间和一个“加入我们”的机会。在 2015 年 4 月 2 日之前和之后，逮捕了那些在前往山顶的途中用身体阻挡重型机械的人，保护者建立了一个“阿罗哈检查站”以与警察部队交战，游客、建筑工人和其他人。阿罗哈检查站不同于典型的封锁，因为保护者并不寻求建立一个边界，将除他们之外的任何人排除在外。这不是占有的、管辖的界线。检查站是一个多孔边界，仅用于阻挡施工车辆。此外，保护者利用检查站作为邀请对手和不知情的访客谈论故事的地方。无论路人留在他们的车里，还是出去加入用作厨房和聚会区的临时帐篷，保护者创造了一个对话空间，并有机会参与讨论 TMT 项目将影响至少 5 英亩的方式山顶，有各种礼拜、观察场所，以及一些夏威夷家庭几代人的骨头和脐带的藏身之处。在长达数月的 mauna 展台上，如此多的支持者捐赠了食物，以至于阿罗哈检查站也无意中变成了一种“汤厨房”。至少有一位 Kanaka 转述说，他会在希洛接无家可归的人，然后开车送他们到 mauna，这样饥饿的人们就可以一边吃一边了解这场斗争（Kalaniākea Wilson，pers. comm.，2016 年 4 月 12 日）。虽然检查站的目的是让工程车辆进入，但并不是为了让操作它们的人远离山上。建筑工人和警察，其中许多也是夏威夷原住民，通过参与学习，在某些情况下，他们在下班时带家人回到莫纳，旨在了解更多信息并与保护者分享阿罗哈和对话。卡普阿罗哈——一种非暴力参与的哲学和实践——指导了阿罗哈检查站和相关的莫纳活动。运动领袖 kumu hula（草裙舞大师）和 kia'i mauna，Pua Case 将这种 kapu 描述为基于 kūpuna（长者）的教义，并且她强调了 kapu 呼吁人们以最高水平的同情心对待自己的方式ʻāina 和所有可能遇到的人（Maly 和 Maly 2005）。kapu aloha 需要同理心的纪律，甚至尤其是对于那些可能不同意的人。这不是妥协或同意伤害的命令。kapu aloha 不打算从 https://read.dukeupress 下载。edu/south-atlantic-quarterly/article-pdf/116/1/184/472191/ddsaq_116_1_16G-Kaopua_Fpp.pdf 来宾于 2019 年 11 月 2 日固特异-Kaʻōpua • 未来的保护者，而不是过去 191 年释放阀的抗议者这使人们有可能继续忍受无法忍受的情况，或远离不法行为。2014 年 10 月扰乱 TMT 奠基仪式的年轻领袖 Lanakila Mangauil（2015 年）在占领期间对聚集在 mauna 上的人群发表讲话时表示，卡普阿罗哈在指导人们在山等圣地的行为方面尤为重要在 wao akua 登顶。他解释说，这样的环境提醒人们要以专注、勇气和最深切的敬意来说话和行动，即使是那些“乘坐会撕裂我们神圣地方的机器登上山峰的人”。我们以最大的尊重、阿罗哈和同情心与他们交谈”（Mele ma ka Mauna 2015）。kapu aloha 是一个指令，试图了解将对手带到对抗时刻的情况。例如，这种阿罗哈表现在保护者用 lei lā'ī（由钛叶制成的花环，以其保护和治疗特性而闻名）问候前来将他们从山上带走的执法人员，并明确声明承认他们的相互关联. 执法人员与保护者交换 hā（呼吸）、鼻子对鼻子和额头对额头的照片和视频图像通过社交媒体渠道病毒式传播，强调即使定居者的殖民关系使 Kanaka 与 Kanaka 对立，我们也认识到一个（见图 1）。很多方面，阿罗哈检查站和统治它的卡普阿罗哈改变了政治参与的条款。保护者寻求的不是排除而是有力地提醒反对者