Feminists (Spelman 1982; Young 1990; Gatens 1996) have long concerned themselves with Western approaches to the body as well as the relationship between the body and politics and the impact of both on women. While these approaches and ways of thinking about the body are important and worthy of black feminist exploration, I think the most important issue regarding the relationship between the body and politics today is the growing concern with how that body politic produces its dead: that the body that we are thinking about, the body that receives the most attention in contemporary racial politics, is a deceased one. Contemporary racial politics is most focused on the politics of black death, on necropolitics, and relatedly on the very important work of exposing the state’s efforts—often, as activists have fairly successfully pointed out, with considerable assistance from the mainstream press—to assure its citizens that it has produced the “right kind” of dead. In practice this means that the body around which blacks can most easily rally members to the cause of racial justice in this moment, the body around which we can organize, is a dead one. It is crucial that those concerned with the status of black women in society reckon with how we

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北美墓地政治和性别：关于#BlackLivesMatter 和黑人女性杀戮

女权主义者（Spelman 1982；Young 1990；Gatens 1996）长期以来一直关注西方对待身体的方法以及身体与政治之间的关系以及两者对女性的影响。虽然这些思考身体的方法和方式很重要，值得黑人女权主义探索，但我认为今天关于身体与政治之间关系的最重要问题是人们越来越关注政治身体如何产生死者：身体我们正在考虑的，在当代种族政治中受到最多关注的身体，是已故者。当代种族政治最关注黑死病政治、死灵政治，以及相关的揭露国家努力的非常重要的工作——正如活动家们相当成功地指出的那样，在主流媒体的大力协助下——向其公民保证它生产了“正确的”死者。在实践中，这意味着在这一刻，黑人最容易将成员团结到种族正义事业周围的身体，我们可以组织起来的身体，已经死了。那些关注黑人妇女在社会中地位的人必须考虑我们如何