How do economic and social position structure partisan affiliation? While neo-Durkheimian treatments of class and political behavior suggest the potential for extreme variability in the social bases of partisan affiliation, data limitations have largely restricted quantitative studies of this relationship to the postwar era. This temporal limitation restricts variation in observable social structure, thus limiting the ability of analysts to assess theoretical explanations. To address this gap, I introduce novel data on occupation and ethnicity for more than 20,000 Massachusetts state legislators in the nineteenth century. This allows me to find the “best fit” model for the social bases of party affiliation in four distinct periods in Massachusetts’ political history. I show that the Massachusetts political system transitioned from a system of occupational cleavages to proto-class cleavages between the First Party System (1795–1826) and Second Party System (1835–54). The Civil War and Reconstruction Era (1855–77) was characterized by the emergence of an ethnic cleavage, but near-modern class divisions emerged as the strongest predictors of legislators’ party affiliations for the remainder of the Third Party System (1878–93). Combined with historiographical accounts of the nineteenth century, these analyses suggest that the emergence of class politics requires intermediary organizations such as unions and professional associations, the liberalization of economic laws and regulation, and the increasingly unequal distribution of productive property.

中文翻译：

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十九世纪马萨诸塞州阶级政治的出现

经济和社会地位如何构成党派关系？虽然新涂尔干对阶级和政治行为的处理表明党派关系的社会基础可能存在极端可变性，但数据限制在很大程度上限制了这种关系与战后时代的定量研究。这种时间限制限制了可观察到的社会结构的变化，从而限制了分析师评估理论解释的能力。为了解决这一差距，我介绍了 19 世纪 20,000 多名马萨诸塞州立法者的职业和种族的新数据。这使我能够在马萨诸塞州政治历史的四个不同时期找到党派社会基础的“最合适”模型。我展示了马萨诸塞州的政治体系从职业分裂体系转变为第一党制（1795-1826）和第二党制（1835-54）之间的原始阶级分裂。内战和重建时代（1855-77 年）的特点是种族分裂的出现，但近现代的阶级划分成为立法者在第三方制度剩余部分（1878-93 年）中的党派关系的最强预测因素. 结合 19 世纪的史学记载，这些分析表明，阶级政治的出现需要工会和专业协会等中介组织、经济法律法规的自由化以及生产性财产分配日益不平等。