migrants in London. Similar to Shutt’s research, this study also analysed its target group’s imagining and symbolism of the city, in particular London as a cosmopolitan city. The research is based on an 18-month study, featuring interviews and a focus group. The authors identify and explore the expat ‘French bubble’ in London, with South Kensington as the location highlighted by most participants. They also notice the influence of schools on French migrant professionals regarding identity, integration, imagining of the city, and on their choices. Mulholland and Ryan make use of works such as that of Cinar and Bender, to understand how London is imagined by these migrants as a global city and at the same time a mix of localities. They also resort to Benedict Anderson’s ideas on imagined communities, to explain the construction of these professional migrants’ social identities. Bourdieu’s concept of distinction is employed as an important means to understand the reproduction of ‘Frenchness’ in South Kensington, London, because participants may be practising or constructing distinction based on economic class. Some of the findings from this study include the importance to the participants of passing on French culture and identity to their children, which is made apparent by their choices of school. Although participants on the one hand try to distance themselves from the French in London, they also wish to reproduce the French culture and national identity in themselves and their children. Though there is room for exploring more locations and different target groups in future research, this book places on the agenda the relevance of conducting research on skilled migrants specially at the local level. It contributes with different case studies on the everyday experience of skilled migrants in specific cities, giving attention to matters of identity, integration, work and the city.

中文翻译：

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Alford A. Young, Jr.，黑人注定失败吗？

伦敦的移民。与 Shutt 的研究类似，这项研究还分析了其目标群体对这座城市的想象和象征意义，尤其是伦敦作为一个国际大都市。该研究基于一项为期 18 个月的研究，包括访谈和焦点小组。作者确定并探索了伦敦的外籍人士“法国泡沫”，其中南肯辛顿是大多数参与者强调的地点。他们还注意到学校对法国移民专业人士在身份、融合、城市想象以及他们的选择方面的影响。穆赫兰和瑞恩利用 Cinar 和 Bender 等作品来理解这些移民如何将伦敦想象成一个全球性的城市，同时又是一个混合的地方。他们还求助于本尼迪克特·安德森 (Benedict Anderson) 关于想象社区的想法，解释这些职业移民社会身份的建构。布迪厄的区分概念被用作理解伦敦南肯辛顿“法国性”再现的重要手段，因为参与者可能正在实践或构建基于经济阶层的区分。这项研究的一些发现包括参与者将法国文化和身份传递给他们的孩子的重要性，这从他们选择的学校中可以看出。尽管参与者一方面试图与伦敦的法国人保持距离，但他们也希望在自己和孩子身上重现法国文化和民族认同。虽然在未来的研究中有探索更多地点和不同目标群体的空间，本书将特别是在地方层面对技术移民进行研究的相关性列入议程。它对特定城市技术移民的日常经历进行了不同的案例研究，关注身份、融合、工作和城市等问题。