Between 1890 and the 1930s, thousands of ayahs and amahs were recorded on passenger lists for ship arrivals into Britain from South and East Asian ports. Described as ‘a very useful class of people who wait on ladies and take charge of children during the sea voyage’, ayahs either accompanied their permanent employers during trips to Britain or were hired exclusively for the journey. Despite a growing literature on female servants in India, accounts of ayah experiences beyond its borders are minimal. What little scholarship does exist is written from a Britain-centric perspective, focusing on their poor treatment whilst in London at the hands of unscrupulous employers and an indifferent government, framing them as victims of a colonial system and undermining any agency held by the servants themselves. By analysing the journey made by South Asian women engaged as shipboard nannies from their own perspective, this paper challenges the image of the ayah as passive, vulnerable and childlike, a representation taken by contemporary observers and modern-day scholars alike to be the whole story. In her exploration of shipboard periodicals, Joanna de Schmidt positions ship passengers as ‘evidently actors in the globalization processes of the nineteenth century’. Although technically paying passengers, ayahs, as constructed ‘others’, were peripherally positioned as neither passengers nor crew, yet through serving these global families, I argue, ayahs were also actors in globalization. Beyond passively mirroring the mobility of their employers, ayahs experienced and took advantage of ‘the rapid transformations in transport and communication structures that linked distant parts of the world’. Their experiences expose an unexplored global network of working women of colour, linking processes of globalization to intimacies of the domestic. The first part of this paper examines shifts in how the ayahs were positioned across different sites of ‘home’ by the dominant colonial culture. It speaks to the body of research centred on Ann Laura Stoler’s work exploring intimate frontiers of empire, with the domestic home being ‘a social and cultural space where racial classifications were defined and defied’. In this context, servants marked not only the ‘physical boundaries of the house and

中文翻译：

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19世纪和20世纪的旅行历程：全球网络和代理机构的动员

在1890年至1930年代之间，在从南亚和东亚港口进入英国的船只的旅客名单上，记录了成千上万的ayah和amahs。被称为“非常有用的一类人，他们在海上航行中侍候女士并负责照顾孩子”，ayahs在前往英国旅行时陪同其永久雇主，或专门为旅途而雇用。尽管关于印度女仆的文献越来越多，但关于阿亚族超越国界经历的报道很少。几乎没有什么奖学金是以英国为中心的观点而写的，着眼于他们在伦敦时受到不道德雇主和冷漠政府的恶劣待遇，使他们成为殖民体系的受害者，并破坏了仆人自己所拥有的任何机构。 。通过从自己的角度分析南亚妇女担任船上保姆的经历，本文挑战了阿亚族人的形象：被动，脆弱和孩子气，这一点被当代观察家和现代学者视为一个故事。 。在探索船上期刊时，乔安娜·德·施密特（Joanna de Schmidt）将船上的乘客定位为“在19世纪全球化进程中的明显参与者”。我认为，尽管从技术上来说是付费乘客，但ayahs既不是乘客也不是乘务员，但他们被定位为“其他乘客”，但通过服务这些全球家庭，ayahs也是全球化的参与者。除了被动地反映雇主的流动性，亚亚人经历并利用了“连接世界各地的运输和通讯结构的快速变革”。他们的经历暴露了一个尚未探索的全球有色妇女职业网络，将全球化进程与家庭亲密关系联系起来。本文的第一部分探讨了占主导地位的殖民文化如何将ayahs定位在“家”的不同位置。它谈到了以安·劳拉·斯托勒（Ann Laura Stoler）的工作为中心的研究体系，该工作探索了帝国的亲密边界，而家庭住宅是“定义和蔑视种族分类的社会和文化空间”。在这种情况下，仆人不仅标记了房屋和 他们的经历暴露了一个尚未探索的全球有色妇女职业网络，将全球化进程与家庭亲密关系联系起来。本文的第一部分探讨了占主导地位的殖民文化如何将ayahs定位在“家”的不同位置。它谈到了以安·劳拉·斯托勒（Ann Laura Stoler）的工作为中心的研究体系，该工作探索了帝国的亲密边界，而家庭住宅是“定义和蔑视种族分类的社会和文化空间”。在这种情况下，仆人不仅标记了房屋和 他们的经历暴露了一个尚未探索的全球有色妇女职业网络，将全球化进程与家庭亲密关系联系起来。本文的第一部分探讨了占主导地位的殖民文化如何将ayahs定位在“家”的不同位置。它谈到了以安·劳拉·斯托勒（Ann Laura Stoler）的工作为中心的研究体系，该工作探索了帝国的亲密边界，而家庭住宅是“定义和蔑视种族分类的社会和文化空间”。在这种情况下，仆人不仅标记了房屋和 它谈到了以安·劳拉·斯托勒（Ann Laura Stoler）的工作为中心的研究体系，该工作探索了帝国的亲密边界，而家庭住宅是“定义和蔑视种族分类的社会和文化空间”。在这种情况下，仆人不仅标记了房屋和 它谈到了以安·劳拉·斯托勒（Ann Laura Stoler）的工作为中心的研究体系，该工作探索了帝国的亲密边界，而家庭住宅是“定义和蔑视种族分类的社会和文化空间”。在这种情况下，仆人不仅标记了房屋和