The post-Brexit, post-Trump climate in the EU has seen a series of challenges from the right wing of politics to the liberal consensus of recent years (e.g. the rise of Gert Wilders in the Netherlands and the increased support for Alternativ für Deutschland in the 2017 German election). This article examines the gendering and embodiment of the new far right in France and the UK. It offers a comparative focus on two recent political challengers from the right who are female: Marine Le Pen (born 1968), the leader of the Front national in France since 2011, and Anne Marie Waters (born 1977), the Islam-critical candidate who was runner-up for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) leadership in the UK in 2017, and who has since started her own political party, For Britain. The article focuses on media coverage of, and self-representation by, these two figures. It argues that the discourse of the ‘right’ and ‘left’ wings has, historically, been gendered on the basis of assumptions that women are naturally more inclined towards consensus-building, collectivity and compassion (and therefore left-wing politics), by dint of their biological function as child-bearers and traditional gender role as care-givers. Right-leaning women have been treated as anomalies, by both feminist political analysts and the mainstream media. Feminist concerns over the very existence of right-wing women is suggested by books such as second-wave feminist Andrea Dworkin’s Right-Wing Women (1983), the more recent edited collection by Paola Bacchetta and Margaret Power, also called Right-Wing Women (2013) and, in the French context, Claudie Lesselier and Fiametta Venner’s L’Extrême Droite et les femmes (1997). Le Pen and Waters appear as doubly aberrant, doubly exceptional figures – firstly as (far-)right-wing women and secondly as (far-)right-wing female leaders. The article considers the stakes of our categorical understandings of (gendered and political) identity more broadly. Specifically, by introducing the original critical concept of ‘identity category violation’, it analyses the ways in which the recent trend for identity politics on the left in the West, often under the banner of ‘intersectionality’, leads to over-simplified understandings of how categories of gendered, sexual, class and race-based identities are assumed to determine political affiliation.

中文翻译：

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政治机构：性别，右翼和“违反身份类别”

欧盟脱欧后，特朗普后的气候已经出现了一系列挑战，从政治右翼到近年来的自由共识（例如，荷兰的格特·怀尔德斯的崛起以及对德国的交替德国的支持越来越多） 2017年德国大选）。本文研究了法国和英国的新极权主义的性别特征和体现。它比较关注了来自右派的两个最近的政治挑战者：女性：Marine Le Pen（生于1968年），自2011年以来一直是法国阵线国民阵线的领导人，以及Anne-Marie Waters（生于1977年），是对伊斯兰至关重要的候选人她于2017年在英国独立党（UKIP）领导层获得亚军，此后又成立了自己的政党“为英国”。本文着重于媒体对以下方面的报道和自我代表：这两个数字。它认为，从历史上看，“右翼”和“左翼”的话语是基于性别的假设，即妇女自然更倾向于建立共识，集体和同情心（因此左翼政治）。他们作为育儿者的生物学功能和传统的性别角色作为照料者。女权主义政治分析家和主流媒体都将右倾女性视为异常。第二波女权主义者安德里亚·德沃金（Andrea Dworkin）的《右翼女性》（Right-Wing Women，1983）等书暗示了女性主义者对右翼女性存在的担忧，这是Paola Bacchetta和Margaret Power最近编辑的系列，也称为右翼女性（ 2013年），以及在法国的背景下，克劳迪·莱瑟里尔（Claudie Lesselier）和菲亚梅塔·文纳（Fiametta Venner）的《女权主义者》（L'ExtrêmeDroite et les femmes）（1997年）。勒庞特和沃特斯似乎是双倍异常，双倍杰出的人物-首先是右翼女性领导人，其次是右翼女性领导人。本文更广泛地考虑了我们对（性别和政治）身份的绝对理解的利害关系。具体而言，通过引入“身份类别违规”的原始批判概念，它分析了西方左派身份政治的最新趋势（通常以“交叉性”为旗帜）导致过分简化的理解。如何假定性别，性别，阶级和种族身份的类别来确定政治归属。本文更广泛地考虑了我们对（性别和政治）身份的绝对理解的利害关系。具体而言，通过引入“身份类别违规”的原始批判概念，它分析了西方左派身份政治的最新趋势（通常以“交叉性”为旗帜）导致过分简化的理解。如何假定性别，性别，阶级和种族身份的类别来确定政治归属。本文更广泛地考虑了我们对（性别和政治）身份的绝对理解的利害关系。具体而言，通过引入“身份类别违规”的原始批判概念，它分析了西方左派身份政治的最新趋势（通常以“交叉性”为旗帜）导致过分简化的理解。如何假定性别，性别，阶级和种族身份的类别来确定政治归属。