*Additional supporting information can be found in the full text tab for this article in theWileyOnlineLibrary at http:// onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/crim. 2020.58.issue-4/issuetoc. Wegratefully acknowledge thehardwork byDarenG.Fisher to assure that theGATE datawere accurately, validly, and reliably collected and codedby the interns he supervised.His endless and creative endeavors to access open-sourcematerialmade this researchpossible.Weare also grateful for the 39 START interns and Michelle Fabianiwhoworked tirelessly to code theGATEdata. Furthermore, we thankPhil Schrodt for his continued technical support.Additionally,we are grateful toMinXie and the astute anonymous reviewerswhohelped tomake this a better paper. Finally,wewould like to dedicate this research to the late Stephen E. Fienberg,whomentored the lead author in statistics, andhiswife, the late Joyce Abstract How do expressions of support or opposition by the U.S. federal government, influence violent hate crimes against specific racial and ethnic minorities? In this article, we test two hypotheses derived from Blalock’s (1967) conceptualization of intergroup power contests. The political threat hypothesis predicts that positive government attention toward specific groups would lead to more hateful violence directed against them. The emboldenment hypothesis predicts that negative government attention toward specific groups would also lead to more hateful violence directed against them. Using combined data on U.S. government actions and federal hate crime statistics from 1992 through 2012, vector autoregression models provide support for both hypotheses, depending on the protected group involved. We conclude that during this period, African Americans were more vulnerable to hate crimes motivated by political threat, and Latinx persons were more vulnerable to hate crimes motivated by emboldenment.

中文翻译：

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威胁、胆量，还是两者兼而有之？政治权力对暴力仇恨犯罪的影响*

*更多支持信息可以在位于 http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/crim 的 WileyOnlineLibrary 中的本文全文选项卡中找到。2020.58.issue-4/issuetoc。我们衷心感谢 DarenG.Fisher 为确保 GATE 数据被他指导的实习生准确、有效和可靠地收集和编码所做的辛勤工作。他对获取开源材料的无休止和创造性的努力使这项研究成为可能。We 也感谢 39 位 START 实习生和 Michelle Fabiani 的不懈努力对 GATE 数据进行编码。此外，我们感谢 Phil Schrodt 一直以来的技术支持。此外，我们感谢 MinXie 和精明的匿名审稿人，他们帮助我们将这篇论文写得更好。最后，我们想把这项研究献给已故的斯蒂芬·E·费恩伯格，他指导了统计学的主要作者，和他的妻子，已故的乔伊斯 摘要 美国联邦政府表达的支持或反对如何影响针对特定种族和少数民族的暴力仇恨犯罪？在本文中，我们检验了源自 Blalock (1967) 的群体间权力竞赛概念化的两个假设。政治威胁假说预测，政府对特定群体的积极关注会导致针对他们的更多仇恨暴力。大胆假设预测，政府对特定群体的负面关注也会导致针对他们的更多仇恨暴力。使用 1992 年至 2012 年美国政府行为和联邦仇恨犯罪统计数据的综合数据，向量自回归模型为这两种假设提供支持，具体取决于所涉及的受保护群体。