Jess Beck

University of Cambridge and Vassar College

A growing body of literature in public health and epidemiology is focused on the concept of “embodiment”: “how we literally incorporate biologically—from conception to death—our social experience and express this embodiment in population patterns of health, disease, and well‐being” (Krieger 1999, 296). Today, the majority of embodied inequalities are linked to living in a globalized economy deeply rooted in colonial and imperial histories. Because of the effects of economic and political changes on contemporary bodies, we often anticipate that past social transformations entailed similar somatic costs and that increasing social complexity goes hand in hand with biocultural trade‐offs. Bioarchaeological approaches to human social change are key for testing these assumptions because the field has the unique ability to embed the biological and cultural factors that shape human bodies within the deep time perspective of archaeology (Zuckerman and Armelagos 2011).

One pivotal social transformation in human prehistory is the appearance of larger‐scale and more complex aggregations, a phenomenon that occurred in Iberia during the Chalcolithic period. Stretching from approximately 3250–2200 BC, the Spanish and Portuguese Copper Age witnessed a suite of interrelated social, political, and economic changes (for a broad overview, see Chapman 2008). This period represents the culmination of the Neolithic transition from a hunting‐and‐gathering economy to a more intensive focus on agriculture, with domesticated animals exploited for both meat and secondary products, such as dairy, wool, and traction. The Chalcolithic record testifies to an explosion of evidence for long‐distance exchange of materials, such as amber, ostrich eggshell, and ivory, which came to Iberia from the western Mediterranean, Africa, and Asia. Importantly, almost all of the evidence for long‐distance exchange, especially elaborately crafted items made on exotic materials, comes from mortuary areas. Copper Age mortuary practices built upon earlier Neolithic collective practices, with individuals still typically buried communally but now interred in human‐made locations, such as artificial caves and rock shelters or tholos‐type megalithic chambered tombs.

Perhaps the most striking transformation during the late fourth to mid‐third millennium is the appearance of new kinds of settlements on the Iberian landscape. These sites are distinguished from their Neolithic predecessors by either a marked increase in size or a substantial investment of communal labor in infrastructure such as ditches, walls, and fortifications (Díaz‐del‐Río 2013). Such sites include the fortified settlements of Los Millares and Zambujal, the ditched enclosures of La Pijotilla and Perdigões, and the ditched mega‐sites of Valencina de la Concepción and Marroquíes (Díaz‐del‐Río 2013; Hurtado 1997; Sangmeister and Schubart 1972, 1981). The immense amount of human labor marshaled to build the last two mega‐sites—400 hectares and 113 hectares in size, respectively—has no parallel in the Iberian prehistoric record and would not be witnessed again in the region until Roman times.

Constructing and inhabiting these complex sites would have necessitated finding solutions to new problems, including mediating ownership of property and territory, organizing collective labor, and navigating novel politico‐economic relationships. An important anthropological question is thus the extent to which such changes would have precipitated the emergence of new kinds of economic, ideological, and political inequalities, especially as archaeological evidence suggests that complex sites followed trajectories that were both regionally and historically variable. While all known complex sites show evidence for foundational investments of collective labor, some show signs of attempts to solidify emerging forms of social differentiation through distinctions in mortuary treatment, while others appear to have stressed communal inclusivity in both life and death.

Human skeletal remains, valuable because they provide evidence of both the embodied or “lived” experiences that materialize osteologically and the “performed” roles and identities displayed in funerary practices, provide a key line of evidence with which to assess the variable emergence of inequalities at complex sites of the Iberian third millennium (Quinn and Beck 2016). While human skeletal remains do not perfectly encode evidence of all lived experiences, as Juengst (this forum) underscores, osteological data still provide key information about social identity, diet, and mobility at both the individual and the community level. Moving forward, I will briefly document the available bioarchaeological and mortuary evidence at three key complex Copper Age sites—Los Millares, Valencina de la Concepción, and Marroquíes (Figure 1)—to argue that the Iberian record shows evidence for a variety of organizational strategies that led to either the amplification or moderation of institutionalized inequality.

杰西·贝克（Jess Beck）

剑桥大学和瓦萨学院

在公共卫生和流行病学领域，越来越多的文献关注“实施”的概念：“我们如何从概念上将生物学从概念到死亡再结合到我们的社会经验中，并在健康，疾病和福祉的人口模式中体现这一体现。存在”（Krieger，1999年（296）。今天，大多数隐含的不平等现象与生活在植根于殖民和帝国历史的全球化经济中有关。由于经济和政治变革对当代机构的影响，我们经常预计，过去的社会转型会带来相似的躯体成本，并且日益增加的社会复杂性与生物文化的权衡是齐头并进的。生物考古学方法对人类社会变革的考验是检验这些假设的关键，因为该领域具有独特的能力，可以将构成人体的生物和文化因素嵌入考古学的深层视角（Zuckerman and Armelagos 2011）。

人类史前的一个关键的社会变革是规模更大，更复杂的聚合的出现，这一现象在石器时代的伊比利亚发生。从大约公元前3250年至2200年开始，西班牙和葡萄牙的铜器时代见证了一系列相互关联的社会，政治和经济变化（有关广泛概述，请参阅Chapman 2008）。这个时期代表了新石器时代从狩猎和集聚经济向更加集中于农业的过渡的高潮，已开发了用于肉类和诸如乳制品，羊毛和牵引等次级产品的驯养动物。胆石器时代的记录证明，从地中海，非洲和亚洲来到伊比利亚的诸如琥珀，鸵鸟蛋壳和象牙之类的材料进行长距离交换的证据激增。重要的是，几乎所有长途交换的证据，特别是用异国情调的材料精心制作的物品，都来自停尸场。铜器时代的practices葬活动建立在较早的新石器时代的集体活动的基础上，个人通常仍是集体埋葬，但现在被埋葬在人工位置，例如人工洞穴和岩石掩体或tholos型巨石室墓。

在第四千年末至第三千年中期，最引人注目的转变可能是伊比利亚景观上新的定居点的出现。这些网站从他们的前辈新石器时代通过无论是在规模显着增加或社区劳动的基础设施进行了大量投资，如沟渠，墙壁和防御工事（迪亚斯-德尔-里奥区分2013）。这类网站包括洛杉矶米利亚雷斯和Zambujal的强化定居点，拉Pijotilla和Perdigões的抛弃机箱和巴伦西纳德拉孔塞普西翁和Marroquíes（迪亚斯-德尔-里奥的抛弃大型网站2013 ; Hurtado的1997年; Sangmeister和Schubart 1972年，1981年）。建造最后两个巨型遗址（分别为400公顷和113公顷）需要大量的人力，这在伊比利亚史前记录中是无与伦比的，直到罗马时代，该地区才再次见证。

在这些复杂的地点建造和居住，必须找到解决新问题的解决方案，包括调解财产和领土的所有权，组织集体劳动以及探索新型的政治经济关系。因此，一个重要的人类学问题是，这种变化在多大程度上加剧了新的经济，意识形态和政治不平等现象的出现，特别是当考古证据表明复杂的地点遵循区域和历史变化的轨迹时。尽管所有已知的复杂场所都为集体劳动的基础投资提供了证据，但一些场所却显示出通过区分房来巩固新兴的社会分化形式的迹象，

人体骨骼遗骸是有价值的，因为它们提供了在骨学上得以具体化的“实践”或“活着”经历的证据，以及displayed葬实践中表现出的“执行”的角色和身份的证据，为评估不平等现象在不同地区的出现提供了关键的证据伊比利亚第三个千年的复杂遗址（Quinn and Beck 2016）。正如Juengst（本论坛）所强调的那样，尽管人体骨骼残骸并不能完美地编码所有生活经历的证据，但骨科数据仍提供有关个人和社区层面的社会身份，饮食和活动能力的关键信息。展望未来，我将简要记录三个复杂的铜时代遗址（洛斯米拉雷斯，Valencina de laConcepción和Marroquíes）的可用生物考古和葬证据（图1），以争辩说，伊比利亚记录显示了各种组织策略的证据。导致制度化的不平等扩大或缓和。