Almost 30 years since the Maastricht Treaty and 20 years since the introduction of the euro, it is clear that the European Union (EU) has lost its appeal to wider constituencies and citizen groups that realize that the promises for convergence and prosperity have not been delivered. Rising dissatisfaction and Euroscepticism (expressed both in the ballot box and in Eurobarometer reports) is evident even in traditional pro-EU countries of the European core. As this long decade comes to an end, incidents (or accidents) like these ones, either in the form of open discontent, or in the form of rising populism, will exert pressure on the EU policy agenda that will either increase the frequency of deadlocks and inefficiency in policy making or will eventually lead to an honest effort to address the roots of these phenomena. This paper examines the drivers behind these two incidents (and the ones that may follow) and the limits of the current market and policy integration arrangements in the EU, arguing that a new policy agenda addressing the real weaknesses of the Union is inevitable if disintegration is to be avoided. Luckily enough, some elements of this new policy agenda may already be here.

中文翻译：

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希腊退欧与英国退欧：欧洲（解体）一体化道路崎岖不平的事件、事故和警钟

马斯特里赫特条约签订近 30 年和欧元引入 20 年以来，很明显，欧盟 (EU) 已经失去了对更广泛的选区和公民团体的吸引力，他们意识到融合和繁荣的承诺尚未兑现. 即使在欧洲核心的传统亲欧盟国家中，日益增长的不满和欧洲怀疑主义（在投票箱和欧洲晴雨表报告中都表达了）也是显而易见的。随着这漫长的十年即将结束，此类事件（或事故），无论是公开不满的形式，还是民粹主义抬头的形式，都将对欧盟政策议程施加压力，这将增加僵局的频率和低效率的政策制定，或最终会导致诚实地努力解决这些现象的根源。本文研究了这两起事件（以及可能发生的事件）背后的驱动因素以及欧盟当前市场和政策一体化安排的局限性，认为如果解体是不可避免的，解决欧盟真正弱点的新政策议程是不可避免的。要避免。幸运的是，这一新政策议程的某些要素可能已经存在。