haven a familiar place to age in or more abstractly an economic asset (pp. 91 and 102–104). Quietly and without much overt reference to the point, the various chapters underline the “intrapreneurialism” of the public sector (Miao and Phelps 2019) that has underlain the development of Singapore and many of its successes economic and otherwise. The chapters provide timely reminders of just how prescient and how early Singaporean authorities have been whether we are speaking of experimenting with electronic road pricing, utilising roads as green infrastructure corridors, ensuring a mix of water supplies, or managing the offshoring process by way of the joint development and management of overseas industry parks. Indeed, the fact that public authorities continue to lead the private sector in driving innovation is both remarkable but also a cause for some concern for John Powers. There may be other troubles ahead. Paul Barter’s chapter (p.193) makes clear the challenges of putting the automobility genie of expectations regarding personal physical mobility back in the bottle. Singapore’s emergence as global leader in the smart and sustainable urban solutions could, as Peter Newman notes, “be a distraction of investment and creativity unless focused specifically on the climate agenda” (p. 167) One theme rather underplayed in this book is the extra-territorial implications of Singapore’s remarkable transformation. Aspects of this are touched on by Peter Newman regarding the citystate’s ecological footprint and by the editors in their closing chapter where they highlight the simultaneous need for the urban development of Singapore to go outwards as well as up and downwards. This regional, if not global, urban-economic powerhouse has important hinterland impacts; and that hinterland has been consciously constructed, expanded and exploited (e.g. Phelps 2007) in ways which belie some of the place’s credentials as a model of smart and sustainable urbanism and with obvious continuing implications for geopolitics in the Southeast region and beyond. This is an important reference point for urban planning students and researchers alike. It tells much of the Singapore story so far in a concise and informative way but it also includes important elements of reflection on and criticism of its meaning for urban planning elsewhere and signposts some of the likely future twists and turns in this remarkable tale.

中文翻译：

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哥本哈根会议：全球自行车城市化的权威指南

避风港是一个熟悉的地方，或更抽象的说是经济资产（第91和102-104页）。悄无声息且没有过多地提及这一点，各章强调了公共部门的``企业内部主义''（Miao and Phelps 2019），它支撑了新加坡的发展及其在经济和其他方面的许多成功。这些章节提供了及时的提醒，提醒我们新加坡当局是在尝试电子道路定价，利用道路作为绿色基础设施走廊，确保水的供应混合还是通过离岸流程管理离岸流程，这是多么有先见之明和新加坡政府的早期情况。联合开发和管理海外工业园区。确实，公共主管部门继续领导私营部门推动创新这一事实不仅引人注目，而且也引起约翰·鲍尔斯（John Powers）的一些担忧。将来可能还会有其他麻烦。保罗·巴特（Paul Barter）的一章（第193页）清楚地说明了将对个人身体移动性期望的自动驾驶精灵放回瓶中的挑战。正如彼得·纽曼（Peter Newman）所言，新加坡在智能和可持续城市解决方案方面的全球领导地位的崛起，“可能会分散投资和创造力，除非专门关注气候议程”（第167页）。新加坡非凡转型的地域含义。彼得·纽曼（Peter Newman）谈到了城邦的生态足迹，而编者在其最后一章中也谈到了这些方面，他们着重指出了新加坡城市发展同时需要向上和向下的趋势。这个区域性的，即使不是全球性的城市经济强国也具有重要的腹地影响。腹地的建造，扩展和开发是有意识的（例如，Phelps，2007年），掩盖了该地区作为智慧和可持续的城市主义典范的信誉，并对东南地区及其他地区的地缘政治具有明显的持续影响。这对于城市规划的学生和研究人员都是重要的参考点。