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Why is the Proliferation Security Initiative a Problematic Solution?: Table 1.
The Chinese Journal of International Politics ( IF 3.0 ) Pub Date : 2016-01-10 , DOI: 10.1093/cjip/pov013
Michal Onderco , Paul van Hooft

Informal institutions such as the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) have increasingly been at the forefront of global efforts to counter proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Yet a number of countries with strong non-proliferation credentials and incentives to stop likely proliferators have hesitated to join it. We use insights from alliance theory to explain this counterintuitive situation, and frame the decisions of states that are considering joining the PSI as maximizing between security, autonomy, and influence. We argue that while the PSI and similar institutions are comparatively flexible and less rigid in nature, they also exert a lesser constraint on the more powerful states than do international organizations (IO) which reduce uncertainty by freezing the existing hierarchies in place. We then look at a collection of states that vary in their positions on American hegemony, and find that security interests are predominantly decisive among hegemonic and supporter states and nuclear capable states, which are in favour of supporting the PSI, while counter-hegemonic motivations are largely decisive among states that reject the PSI. Consequently, the perceived lack of legitimacy of informal frameworks by states that are sceptical of US hegemony not only undermines the long-term effectiveness of such frameworks, but also reinforces scepticism of US hegemony. The desirability of increasing informalization of security arrangements should therefore be reappraised in the light of systemic stability.

中文翻译:

为什么防扩散安全倡议是一个有问题的解决方案?:表 1。

防扩散安全倡议 (PSI) 等非正式机构越来越多地处于全球打击大规模杀伤性武器扩散努力的最前沿。然而,一些拥有强大的不扩散证书和阻止可能的扩散者的激励措施的国家对加入它犹豫不决。我们使用联盟理论的见解来解释这种违反直觉的情况,并将考虑加入 PSI 的国家的决策构建为在安全、自治和影响之间实现最大化。我们认为,虽然 PSI 和类似机构在本质上相对灵活且不那么僵化,但与国际组织 (IO) 相比,它们对更强大的国家施加的约束更少,后者通过冻结现有的等级制度来减少不确定性。然后,我们观察一系列在美国霸权问题上立场不同的国家,发现安全利益在支持 PSI 的霸权和支持国家以及有核能力的国家中起决定性作用,而反霸权动机则是在拒绝 PSI 的国家中具有决定性的作用。因此,怀疑美国霸权的国家认为非正式框架缺乏合法性,不仅破坏了此类框架的长期有效性,而且加剧了对美国霸权的怀疑。因此,应根据系统稳定性重新评估增加安全安排非正规化的可取性。并发现安全利益在支持 PSI 的霸权和支持国以及有核能力的国家中起决定性作用,而反霸权动机在拒绝 PSI 的国家中起决定性作用。因此,怀疑美国霸权的国家认为非正式框架缺乏合法性,不仅破坏了此类框架的长期有效性,而且加剧了对美国霸权的怀疑。因此,应根据系统稳定性重新评估增加安全安排非正规化的可取性。并发现安全利益在支持 PSI 的霸权和支持国以及有核能力的国家中起决定性作用,而在反对 PSI 的国家中,反霸权动机在很大程度上起决定性作用。因此,怀疑美国霸权的国家认为非正式框架缺乏合法性,不仅破坏了此类框架的长期有效性,而且加剧了对美国霸权的怀疑。因此,应根据系统稳定性重新评估增加安全安排非正规化的可取性。对美国霸权持怀疑态度的国家认为非正式框架缺乏合法性,不仅削弱了此类框架的长期有效性,而且加剧了对美国霸权的怀疑。因此,应根据系统稳定性重新评估增加安全安排非正规化的可取性。对美国霸权持怀疑态度的国家认为非正式框架缺乏合法性,不仅削弱了此类框架的长期有效性,而且加剧了对美国霸权的怀疑。因此,应根据系统稳定性重新评估增加安全安排非正规化的可取性。
更新日期:2016-01-10
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