This paper examines the 1941 pamphlet “Down with Starvation-Wages!,” written by Local 313 striking sharecroppers in Southeast Missouri, as it both anticipates and places into deep historical tension theories of normativity that would come to be associated with continental European critique after World War Two. The pamphlet's contents are both a local response to and critical theory of New Deal struggles over the meaning and bureaucratic administration of rehabilitation. I first examine the schematic history of federal Rehabilitation programs as they emerged in the biomedical context of the First World War and were then transformed in the agricultural-economic context of the New Deal era. Across these contexts, I demonstrate that their main discursive and procedural function was the cultivation of their white beneficiaries as economic and political self-sovereigns. I then argue that the brief attempt to extend this Agricultural Adjustment Administration-administered form of Rural Rehabilitation programming, ostensibly an index of citizenship, to 1939 striking sharecroppers constituted one attempt to dull the normative force of an organized population, which had long been treated as surplus. I outline the relocation of remaining protesters to the farming cooperative of Cropperville by the St. Louis Committee for the Rehabilitation of Sharecroppers as an intermediary mode of social management that aimed to prevent organized sharecropper protest without extending the promise of full citizenship. The Local's 1941 subsequent “starvation-wage” is thus a relational theory of racist exploitation that allowed the state of starvation to emerge among black persons. In its maintenance of various orders of black persons’ virtual value as perpetually unrealized, its economy is made to run through cycles of starvation, bondage, and debt; as well as nutrition, rehabilitation, and repair. The Local's subsequent endorsement of the 1941 strike and of coalitional organizing with white sharecroppers thus instrumentalizes the very uneven racist distribution of history and life chances by the starvation-wage as a political resource in elaborating potentially novel arrangements of life.

中文翻译：

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作为饥饿的薪水进行的恢复：1941年地方313 cro割机罢工的规范性批判理论

本文研究了密苏里州东南部313名惊人的小农在1941年撰写的小册子“ Down with Starvation-Wages！”，该小册子预言并融入了深层的历史规范性张力理论，这些理论将与第二次世界大战后欧洲大陆的批评有关第二次世界大战。该小册子的内容既是对新政在复兴的意义和官僚管理上的斗争的局部回应和批判理论。我首先考察了联邦康复计划的示意图，这些计划是在第一次世界大战的生物医学背景下出现的，然后在新政时代的农业经济环境下进行了改造。在这些情况下，我证明，他们的主要话语和程序功能是将白人受益人培养为经济和政治自主权。然后，我认为，将农业调整局管理的农村复兴计划的形式（表面上是公民身份的一种指数）的短暂尝试扩展到1939年罢工的share农，这是一种使长期以来被视为有组织人口的规范力量消沉的尝试。剩余。我概述了圣路易斯复兴ers农委员会将剩余的抗议者迁至克罗珀维尔的农业合作社的做法，以此作为一种社会管理的中介模式，旨在防止有组织share农抗议而又不扩大完全公民身份的承诺。本地的' 1941年的后来的“饥饿工资”是一种种族主义剥削的关系理论，使黑人中的饥饿状况得以出现。在维持人们永远无法实现的各种黑人虚拟价值秩序的过程中，其经济经历了饥饿，奴役和债务的循环。以及营养，康复和修复。当地人随后对1941年罢工的支持以及与白人小农的联盟组织的支持，使饥饿工资作为一种政治资源来阐述潜在的新颖生活安排，从而使历史和生活机会的种族主义分布非常不均衡。在维持人们永远无法实现的各种黑人虚拟价值秩序的过程中，其经济经历了饥饿，奴役和债务的循环。以及营养，康复和修复。当地人随后对1941年罢工的支持以及与白人小农的联盟组织的支持，使饥饿工资作为一种政治资源，在阐述潜在的新颖生活安排时，使历史和生活机会的种族主义分布非常不均衡。在维持人们永远无法实现的各种黑人虚拟价值秩序的过程中，其经济经历了饥饿，奴役和债务的循环。以及营养，康复和修复。当地人随后对1941年罢工的支持以及与白人小农的联盟组织的支持，使饥饿工资作为一种政治资源，在阐述潜在的新颖生活安排时，使历史和生活机会的种族主义分布非常不均衡。