The Oceanic region sustains the lowest number of coronavirus infections worldwide, with Pacific Island Countries and Territories registering 3,057 COVID‐19 cases as of 8 September 2020, Australia counting 26,651 and Aotearoa/New Zealand 1,797—a small fraction of the 28,789.698 reported cases across the globe (but disregarding the 260,000 cases in the Philippines not covered here). Yet as the reports, letters, discussions, poems and photo essays in this collection unravel, rural and urban communities across this vast region and including diasporic Pasifika communities, have been adversely affected in multiple ways.

The diverse impacts of the evolving pandemic on Indigenous, settler and transnational migrant families can be usefully approached through the prism of space. Thus, the geographical expanse and isolation of Oceanic nations has helped prevent higher infection rates, yet the public health requirement of maintaining social distance flies in the face of everyday life in close‐knit, often kin‐based local communities, cultural etiquette and multigenerational households. Domestic spaces have turned into classrooms and workplaces. Lockdowns and fear of infection, international politics, and border closures bringing to a halt trade and tourism have changed well‐established regional and transnational patterns of mobility, as, for example, in the case of Asmat sociality of aggregation and dispersal, and of Tongan circular migration. Food security, which had been sustained from a distance through imports, is now addressed by a return to the local, thereby recalibrating rural‐urban relationships, for instance in Fiji where many families return to traditional subsistence farming, local market trading, and bartering. A social distancing of another kind, namely from external and national pressures to ‘develop’, ‘modernize’, ‘Westernize’ and urbanize, is taking place among the Pasifika community, in Melanesian and perhaps Australian Aboriginal life‐worlds: as people turn their backs to larger settlements and return to traditional estates, cultural practices are reviving and in turn strengthen embedded knowledge transmission, connection to Country, cultural pride, and emotional and physical wellbeing. At the same time, as COVID‐19 is exacerbating the impacts of climate change, natural disasters, widespread ill health and economic precarity in the region, island nations, local communities and individuals passionately encourage mutual support and even cultural alliances across borders.

To briefly step inside this collection: Many contributions speak to the profound sense of isolation, anxiety, and uncertainty provoked by the COVID‐19 pandemic. For instance, precarity haunts the everyday life of Marshallese poultry workers in Northwest Arkansas and ni‐Vanuatu laborers in New Zealand, who find themselves in increasingly dire economic straits, stranded from their families and homes indefinitely, and vulnerable to blaming and shaming (Bailey; Berta et al.). In Fiji and Vanuatu, the devastating impacts of the collapsing tourism industry point to the urgent need for more diversified economies that can sustain both long‐term human and economic growth (Gounder; Leweniqila and Vunibola). Meanwhile, food insecurity has intensified in the context of restricted trade movements and the impending global economic crisis (Tagiafola et al.). On a more personal level, the pandemic has foregrounded individual and community experiences of grief, loss, and disconnection. As the collection's poems, personal reflections, and love letters vividly demonstrate, these experiences are exacerbated by the impossibility of physical mobility and the uncertain horizons of the pandemic itself (Boodoosingh; Faasisila; Vincent).

And yet, despite the growing sense of precarity and disconnect provoked by the pandemic, resilience and creativity constitute central and recurring themes. We encounter collective conversations/talanoa/tok stories through which Pacific Islanders reimagine development as a more‐than‐human, pedagogical process (Kabutaulaka). We see transnational solidarities between local and diasporic communities, grounded in principles and practices of cultural vitality and resurgence (Berta et al.). Oceanic societies, including northern Australian families, are reviving small‐scale, traditional subsistence practices, anchored in an ethos of exchange, self‐reliance, kinship, reciprocity, as well as a deep connection to land (Dean; Leweniqila and Vunibola; Randin; Tagialofa et al.; Kearney et al.). Resilience and creativity include artistic modes of production and community care that showcase Pacific values of cooperation, reciprocity, and respect in the midst of crisis (Mook; Vaughn et al.).

Central to Oceania modes of collective resilience has been the use of online platforms through which individuals and groups maintain culturally shaped, spiritually informed, and socially valued practices of togetherness. In Malaysian Borneo, for instance, COVID‐19 related messages on Facebook, along with online church services, are being used by Indigenous Bidayuh to reframe the virus through Christian terms and idioms. This phenomenon invites us to rethink ‘virality’ as an aspirational and generative phenomenon, rather than one that is mainly destructive and therefore to be avoided (Chua). In Tonga, meanwhile, people are finding ways to nurture long‐standing intergenerational connections and famili through online platforms that enable knowledge sharing, the development of cultural practices, and the emergence of new forms of collective well‐being and online agency (Faleolo).

The idea for this collection was to make audible and visible the people and scholars of Oceania, whose lives, views, knowledges and experiences in COVID‐19 have not received much engagement in both mainstream academia and news media. As curators, we are thrilled to find that individuals, intergenerational research collectives, and local communities have responded to our call for scholarly and creative contributions with passion, concern, and insight. We have organized the 26 contributions geographically, roughly moving in an easterly direction. Ideally, new connections of support and recognition will grow every which way.

大洋洲的冠状病毒感染数量是全球最低的，截至2020年9月8日，太平洋岛国和地区共记录了3057例COVID-19病例，澳大利亚为26651例，奥特罗阿/新西兰为1797例，仅占整个报告的28789.698例病例的一小部分全球范围内（但不考虑菲律宾未涵盖的260,000例）。然而，随着该系列中的报告，信件，讨论，诗歌和照片随即展开，整个广阔地区的农村和城市社区，包括散居的Pasifika社区，都受到了多种方式的不利影响。

可以通过空间的角度有效地了解流行病对土著，定居者和跨国移民家庭的各种影响。因此，大洋洲国家的地域辽阔和孤立有助于防止更高的感染率，但是在近距离，经常有血缘关系的本地社区，文化礼节和多代家庭中，维持社会距离的公共卫生要求在日常生活中却不尽人意。家庭空间已变成教室和工作场所。封锁和对感染的恐惧，国际政治以及边境封锁使贸易和旅游业停滞不前，已经改变了行之有效的区域和跨国流动模式，例如，聚集和分散的阿斯玛特社会以及汤加的情况循环迁移。食品安全，通过远距离依靠进口来维持原状，现在通过返回当地来解决，从而重新调整了城乡关系，例如在斐济，许多家庭恢复了传统的自给自足农业，当地市场交易和易货贸易。Pasifika社区，美拉尼西亚甚至澳大利亚原住民的生活世界正在发生另一种社会疏离，即从外部和国家对“发展”，“现代化”，“西方化”和城市化的压力下：回到更大的定居点并回到传统庄园，文化习俗正在复兴，反过来又加强了嵌入式知识的传播，与国家的联系，文化自豪感以及情感和身体健康。同时，由于COVID-19正在加剧气候变化，自然灾害，

简要介绍一下本系列：许多文章谈到了COVID-19大流行引起的深刻的孤立感，焦虑感和不确定性。例如，pre不安困扰着阿肯色州西北部的马绍尔家禽工人和新西兰的ni-Vanuatu工人的日常生活，他们发现自己陷入日益严峻的经济困境，无限期地滞留在家庭和家庭中，容易受到指责和羞辱（Bailey; Berta等）。在斐济和瓦努阿图，旅游业崩溃带来的毁灭性影响表明，迫切需要能够维持人类和经济长期增长的更加多样化的经济体（Gounder； Leweniqila和Vunibola）。同时，在贸易活动受限制和即将来临的全球经济危机的背景下，粮食不安全状况加剧了（Tagiafola等人）。从更个人的角度来看，这种流行病使个人和社区感到悲痛，失落和脱节。正如该系列的诗歌，个人反思和情书生动地展示出来的那样，身体活动的不可能和大流行本身的不确定性地平线（Boodoosingh； Faasisila； Vincent）加剧了这些经历。

然而，尽管人们越来越担心这种疾病会引起人的pre不安和与世隔绝，但抵御力和创造力仍是中心主题和反复出现的主题。我们遇到集体对话/ talanoa / tok太平洋岛民将发展重新想象成比人类更有意义的教学过程的故事（Kabutaulaka）。我们看到了当地社区和侨民社区之间的跨国团结，其基础是文化活力和复兴的原则和实践（Berta等人）。包括澳大利亚北部家庭在内的海洋社会正在恢复小规模的传统生计方式，其基础是交流，自力更生，血缘，互惠以及与土地的紧密联系（Dean； Leweniqila和Vunibola； Randin； Tagialofa等人； Kearney等人）。韧性和创造力包括艺术生产和社区关怀模式，这些模式展现了太平洋在危机中的合作，互惠和尊重的价值观（Mook； Vaughn等人）。

大洋洲集体抗灾力模式的核心一直是使用在线平台，个人和团体可通过该平台维护具有文化底蕴，在精神上知情且具有社会价值的团结实践。例如，在马来西亚婆罗洲，Facebook上与COVID-19相关的消息以及在线教堂服务正被土著Bidayuh使用，以通过基督教术语和习语来重新构造病毒。这种现象促使我们重新考虑“病毒性”，将其视为一种渴望和产生的现象，而不是主要具有破坏性并因此应避免的一种现象（蔡）。在汤加，与此同时，人们正在想方设法培育长期的代际连接和Famili的 通过在线平台实现知识共享，文化习俗的发展以及集体福祉和在线代理的新形式的出现（Faleolo）。

此收藏的目的是使大洋洲的人们和学者能够听到并看到他们，他们在COVID-19中的生活，观点，知识和经验在主流学术界和新闻媒体中都没有得到太多参与。作为策展人，我们很高兴发现个人，代际研究团体和当地社区以热情，关注和见识回应了我们对学术和创造性贡献的呼吁。我们在地理上组织了26项捐助，大致向东移动。理想情况下，支持和认可的新联系将以各种方式增长。