This article explores how printers and their collaborators shaped the implementation and interpretation of freedom of the press laws in early republican Mexico City. Far from passive reproducers of texts written by elites, printers and other behind-the-scenes actors facilitated republican politics by navigating legal categories such as responsibility and authorship that were defined by liberal law yet under debate and unevenly enforced. Focusing on the production, dissemination, and fallout over a controversial 1840 promonarchist pamphlet written by the Yucatecan senator José Marı́a Gutiérrez Estrada, the article uncovers a trio of collaborators, especially the young “printer citizen” Ignacio Cumplido, who undermined official efforts to consolidate state authority over political speech and deployed high-minded liberal principles as political strategy. By shifting focus from the pamphlet’s well-reasoned arguments to its places of production, reception, and regulation, the article provides insight into how freedom of the press was implemented, manipulated, and debated on the ground. O utcry erupted from Mexico’s political elite in October 1840, when the Yucatecan senator José Marı́a Gutiérrez Estrada published an incendiary pamphlet calling for the establishment ofa monarchy ruled by a foreign prince.1 Republicanism, the text proclaimed, had only produced discord and stalemate since its official adoption in the years after Mexico’s 1821 independence from Spain. In order to achieve progress and protect the nation’s sovereignty, Gutiérrez Estrada reasoned, Mexicans should instead establish a constitutional monarchy, recruiting an outsider to unite the factions that had emerged over the last two decades. The proposal carefully drew analogies from Gutiérrez I am grateful to the many people who read and helped me improve this article. In particular, I wish to acknowledge the two anonymous reviewers and the editors of the Hispanic American Historical Review for their insightful comments. I also thank Vanessa Freije, the participants of the 2015 Latin American and Caribbean Graduate Student Workshop at Duke University, the participants of the 2017 “Paper Technologies” conference held jointly at Wesleyan University and Yale University, and Sean Mannion for their helpful suggestions and guidance. This publication was made possible by support from the Social Science Research Council’s International Dissertation Research Fellowship and a Mellon/ACLS Dissertation Completion Fellowship. 1. Gutiérrez Estrada, Carta dirigida. Hispanic American Historical Review 98:2 doi 10.1215/00182168-4376666 2018 by Duke University Press Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article-pdf/98/2/189/530419/189zeltsman.pdf by guest on 25 May 2019 Estrada’s recent four-year tour around Europe and the Western Hemisphere to argue that like France, Mexico should implement a constitutional form of government better suited to its history. In more immediate terms, the pamphlet responded to a failed August revolt led against Mexico’s centralist government by federalists, which had briefly transformed Mexico City’s streets into a battlefield.2 Evoking memories of the revolt, the pamphlet included a lone lithograph: in a desolate scene, the bombarded facade of Mexico’s National Palace crumbles into the foreground as the nation’s flag hangs limp and dejected on the ramparts (figure 1). Playing to emotions, Gutiérrez Estrada hoped to sway a disillusioned public to his cause—to reanimate the sagging flag with a plan for national Figure 1. ‘‘Vista del Palacio Nacional de Mejico, despues de la lamentable jornada del 15 al 27 de Julio 1840.’’ Gutiérrez Estrada, Carta dirigida. Library of Congress 2. Personal experiences of revolutionary unrest in Mexico also shaped his proposal. In 1840 the senator returned from his travels abroad to Campeche, only to discover the region in the throes of Santiago Imán’s movement to secede from the republic. Relocated to Mexico City, he witnessed the upheaval of the 1840 attempted federalist coup led by General José Urrea, in which Gutiérrez Estrada’s own father-in-law was shot. Costeloe, Central Republic, 161, 171. 190 HAHR / May / Zeltsman Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article-pdf/98/2/189/530419/189zeltsman.pdf by guest on 25 May 2019 rejuvenation to be established via a constitutional convention. His search for a sympathetic public was met instead by widespread condemnation from political leaders, military officials, and the press; observer Fanny Calderón de la Barca noted that the pamphlet “seems likely to cause a greater sensation in Mexico than the discovery of the gunpowder plot in England.”3 As denunciations mounted and soldiers were dispatched to make an arrest on charges of sedition, Gutiérrez Estrada went into exile in Europe, aided by his wealthy in-laws, the family of the conde de la Cortina.4 The three less fortunate individuals who had published the monarchist pamphlet—the printer Ignacio Cumplido, the former printer Martı́n Rivera, and the editor Francisco Berrospe—on the other hand, were immediately caught and thrown into prison, charged with breaching press laws. In the historiography on Mexico’s political trajectory writ large, the senator’s pamphlet represents the moment when monarchism first reappeared publicly as an option within the new nation’s shifting liberal-conservative configuration. For two decades, Mexico’s political life had been characterized by spirited debate over major issues such as state centralization, the role of the Catholic Church, and the definitions of citizenship. As successive factions worked to set the parameters of a viable liberal state, political conflict drew not just elites but also urban and rural popular groups into its contentious orbit.5 In his text, Gutiérrez Estrada identified what he saw as the results of all this discussion: government penury, political instability, and assured absorption by the United States. Recent events seemed to bear out his point. The governments of Mexico’s conservative-leaning centralist republic, established in 1835, had not only been beleaguered by insurgent federalist uprisings but also faced breakaway rebellions in Texas and the Yucatán as well as a recent blockade and invasion by French troops at Veracruz. Although Gutiérrez Estrada couched his proposal in liberal terms (albeit with a socially conservative bent), his 3. Calderón de la Barca, Life in Mexico, 282. 4. Sanders, “José Marı́a Gutiérrez Estrada,” 56; Calderón de la Barca, Life in Mexico, 283. 5. Recent scholarship has highlighted the participation of subaltern social sectors in nineteenth-century politics and emphasized the degree to which state formation proceeded as a negotiated process at the local level. On urban popular politics, see Arrom, “Popular Politics”; Warren, Vagrants and Citizens. Regionally focused studies have shed light on rural peasants’ and indigenous communities’ elaboration of “popular” and “everyday” forms of liberalism as these groups joined and shaped political conflicts and local government policy. See, for example, Thomson, “Popular Aspects”; Mallon, Peasant and Nation; Guardino, Peasants; Caplan, Indigenous Citizens, 12. Benjamin T. Smith examines the competing political culture of “provincial conservatism” engaged by peasants of the Mixteca Baja in Smith, Roots of Conservatism. Defining Responsibility 191 Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article-pdf/98/2/189/530419/189zeltsman.pdf by guest on 25 May 2019 promonarchist stance would become a feature of conservative polemics and conspiracies in subsequent years.6 It thus stands as a turning point in the trajectory of conservative thought and strategy that would challenge the viability of liberal republicanism in Mexico.7 Edmundo O’Gorman cites the pamphlet as the initiation of a “monarchist offensive”; although the pamphlet failed to garner support at its time of publication, it would provide the blueprint for successive debates.8 The pamphlet also anticipated a conservative plan that placed the Hapsburg prince Ferdinand Maximilian on the Mexican throne between 1864 and 1867 with the support of French troops. From Europe, Gutiérrez Estrada himself lobbied tirelessly for decades for monarchy and led the delegation that offered the Mexican throne to Maximilian. Yet the Gutiérrez Estrada case, which unfolded over months after the senator went into hiding, also offers an opportunity to examine the dilemmas faced by the emerging state as it struggled to define and enforce rules governing public speech in print. While freedom ofthe press was affirmed in Mexico’s two early republican constitutions, the definitions of what counted as protected speech and who bore responsibility for published texts remained issues up for interpretation and debate. The senator’s 1840 pamphlet, along with the printers and collaborators who created it, was soon caught in the crosshairs of these debates. After two decades of independence, the government’s duty to uphold freedom of the press legislation coexisted with its ministers’ desire to silence political opponents by wielding the law against enemies. This tension between theory and practice, which defined liberal state formation across Latin America in the nineteenth century, played out in official efforts to regulate Mexico City’s 6. On an unsuccessful 1846 Spanish-backed conspiracy, see Soto, La conspiración monárquica. The monarchist debate revived in press polemics between 1848 and 1850, discussed in Palti, “Introducción.” 7. Hale, Mexican Liberalism, 27–29; Palti, “Introducción,” 16; Soto, La conspiración monárquica, 41. 8. O’Gorman, La supervivencia polı́tica, 28. Elı́as José Palti describes the moment as the initiation of a more radical phase of conservatism. Palti, “Introducción,” 16. O’Gorman’s work argued for taking monarchism seriously as a conservative political project that vied with liberalism for expression until libe

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界定责任：墨西哥共和党早期的打印机，政治和法律

本文探讨了印刷商及其合作者如何塑造共和早期共和制墨西哥城新闻自由的实施和解释。精英主义者，印刷者和其他幕后行为者并非被动复制文本，而是通过浏览由自由法定义但仍在辩论中且执行不力的法律类别（例如责任和作者身份）来促进共和政治。这篇文章重点介绍了由Yucatecan参议员JoséMarıaGutiérrezEstrada撰写的有争议的1840年民权主义小册子的制作，传播和影响，发现了三个合作者，尤其是年轻的“印刷公民” Ignacio Cumplido，他破坏了官方在巩固国家对政治言论的权威方面所做的努力，并部署了胸怀大方的自由主义原则作为政治策略。通过将重点从小册子的合理论据转移到其生产，接受和监管的位置，本文提供了对新闻自由如何在实地得到实施，操纵和辩论的深刻见解。1840年10月，墨西哥人的政治精英爆发了骚动，当时尤卡坦参议员若泽·玛利亚·古铁雷斯·埃斯特拉达（JoséMarıaGutiérrezEstrada）发行了煽动性小册子，呼吁建立由外国亲王统治的君主专制。1共和主义，自其宣称以来，仅引起不和谐和僵局。在墨西哥于1821年脱离西班牙独立后的几年中被正式采用。为了取得进步并保护国家主权，古铁雷斯·埃斯特拉达（GutiérrezEstrada）认为，墨西哥人应该建立君主立宪制，招募局外人来团结过去二十年来出现的各派。该建议仔细地引用了古铁雷斯（Gutiérrez）的类比。我感谢阅读并帮助我改进本文的许多人。我尤其要感谢两位匿名评论家和《西班牙裔美国人历史评论》的编辑们的深刻见解。我还要感谢Vanessa Freije，杜克大学2015年拉丁美洲和加勒比海研究生研讨会的参加者，在卫斯理大学和耶鲁大学联合举办的2017年“造纸技术”会议的参加者以及肖恩·曼尼翁的有益建议和指导。该出版物是在社会科学研究委员会的国际学位论文研究奖学金和Mellon / ACLS学位论文完成奖学金的支持下实现的。1.古铁雷斯·埃斯特拉达（GutiérrezEstrada），《宪章》。杜克大学出版社（Duke University Press）2018年《西班牙裔美国人历史评论》 98：2 doi 10.1215 / 00182168-4376666 2018从宾客从https://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article-pdf/98/2/189/530419/189zeltsman.pdf下载2019年5月25日，埃斯特拉达（Estrada）最近在欧洲和西半球进行的为期四年的巡回演出，认为与法国一样，墨西哥应实行更适合其历史的宪政形式。从更直接的角度来看，该小册子是对联邦主义者针对8月针对墨西哥中央政府的叛乱失败的回应，该叛乱曾短暂地将墨西哥城的街道变成了战场。2这本小册子唤起了人们对起义的记忆，其中包括一幅孤独的石版画：在一个荒凉的场景中，墨西哥国民宫殿被轰炸的立面坍塌成一角，因为该国的国旗垂下软弱并垂在城墙上（图1）。古铁雷斯·埃斯特拉达（GutiérrezEstrada）激动不已，他希望将一个幻灭的公众摇到他的事业上，以便为下垂的国旗和国家图1的计划重新振作。古蒂雷斯·埃斯特拉达（GutiérrezEstrada），《宪章》。国会图书馆2.墨西哥革命动乱的个人经历也影响了他的提议。1840年，这位参议员从出国旅行中返回坎佩切州，但在圣地亚哥·伊曼（SantiagoImán）脱离共和国的运动中，发现了该地区。搬到墨西哥城，他亲眼目睹了1840年由何塞·乌雷亚（JoséUrrea）将军领导的未遂联邦政变的动乱，枪击了古铁雷斯·埃斯特拉达（GutiérrezEstrada）自己的岳父。中部共和国Costeloe，161，171. 190 HAHR /五月/ Zeltsman（宾客于2019年5月25日从https://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article-pdf/98/2/189/530419/189zeltsman.pdf下载）复兴将通过制宪会议来确立。他寻求同情的公众遭到了政治领导人，军官和新闻界的广泛谴责，反而遭到了他的追捧。观察员范妮·卡尔德隆·德拉·巴萨（FannyCalderónde la Barca）指出，该小册子“似乎比在英格兰发现火药阴谋在墨西哥引起更大的轰动。” 3随着抗议活动的展开和士兵被煽动叛乱的逮捕，古铁雷斯·埃斯特拉达（GutiérrezEstrada）流亡欧洲 康提德拉科蒂娜（Conde de la Cortina）家族得到了他的有钱公婆的帮助。4另外三位不幸的人出版了君主制小册子，分别是打印机Ignacio Cumplido，前打印机MartınRivera和编辑Francisco Berrospe。手，被立即逮捕并投入监狱，被指控违反新闻法。在有关墨西哥政治轨迹的史书中，参议员的小册子代表了君主制首次公开重新出现的时刻，这是新国家正在转变的自由主义保守派配置中的一种选择。二十年来，墨西哥的政治生活一直以激烈的辩论为特征，这些辩论涉及诸如国家集权，天主教会的作用以及公民身份的定义等重大问题。当连续的派系努力设定一个可行的自由国家的参数时，政治冲突不仅吸引了精英，而且也吸引了城市和农村的大众团体进入其有争议的轨道。5在他的案文中，古铁雷斯·埃斯特拉达（GutiérrezEstrada）认为他认为这是所有讨论的结果：政府负担重，政治不稳定，并确保被美国吸收。最近发生的事件似乎证明了他的观点。成立于1835年的墨西哥保守主义中央集权政府不仅受到叛乱的联邦主义起义的困扰，而且在得克萨斯州和尤卡坦州都面临叛乱，最近还遭到法国军队在韦拉克鲁斯的封锁和入侵。尽管古铁雷斯·埃斯特拉达（GutiérrezEstrada）放宽了自己的提议（尽管有社会保守倾向），但他的《 3.Calderónde la Barca》，《墨西哥生活》，282岁。4.桑德斯，“何塞·马里亚·古铁雷斯·埃斯特拉达”，第56页；卡尔德隆·德拉巴萨（Calderónde la Barca），《墨西哥生活》，第283页。5.最近的奖学金强调了次要社会部门对19世纪政治的参与，并强调了国家组建在地方一级作为谈判过程进行的程度。关于城市大众政治，请参见Arrom，“大众政治”。沃伦，流浪者和公民。以区域为重点的研究揭示了农村农民和土著社区对“大众”和“日常”形式的自由主义的阐述，因为这些团体加入并形成了政治冲突和地方政府政策。参见，例如，汤姆森，“流行方面”；马伦，农民和民族；瓜迪诺，农民；卡普兰（Caplan），土著居民，12岁。史密斯研究保守派根源史密斯的米克特卡·巴哈（Mixteca Baja）农民参与的“省级保守主义”的竞争政治文化。界定责任191 2019年5月25日，宾客从https://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article-pdf/98/2/189/530419/189zeltsman.pdf下载，原教旨主义者的立场将成为保守派辩论和阴谋的特征随后几年。6因此，它成为挑战保守派自由主义共和主义在墨西哥的生存能力的保守思想和战略轨迹的转折点。7埃德蒙多·奥戈曼（Edmundo O'Gorman）引用该手册为“君主主义进攻”的开端。尽管该小册子在出版时未能获得支持，但它将为以后的辩论提供蓝图。8该小册子还预期会有一个保守的计划，该计划将哈普斯堡王子费迪南德·马克西米利安（Ferdinand Maximilian）在1864年至1867年之间在法国军队的支持下登上墨西哥王位。来自欧洲的古铁雷斯·埃斯特拉达（GutiérrezEstrada）本人不屈不挠地游说了数十年，寻求君主制，并率领将墨西哥王位献给马克西米利安的代表团。然而，在参议员躲藏数月后展开的古铁雷斯·埃斯特拉达（GutiérrezEstrada）案也提供了一个机会，可以审查新兴国家在努力定义和执行有关印刷公共言论的规则时所面临的困境。墨西哥的两部早期共和党宪法确认了新闻自由，但什么才算是受保护的言论以及谁对已发表的文本负有责任的定义仍然有待解释和辩论。参议员1840年的小册子，连同创建它的印刷商和合作者，很快就陷入了这些辩论的十字准线。在经历了二十年的独立之后，政府维护新闻自由立法的义务与部长们渴望通过对敌人施加法律来压制政治对手的愿望并存。这种理论与实践之间的张力定义了19世纪整个拉丁美洲的自由国家组建，在规范墨西哥城6的官方努力中发挥了作用。在1846年西班牙人支持的阴谋未获成功的情况下，请参见Laconspiraciónmonárquica的索托。君主制的辩论在1848年至1850年的新闻辩论中复活，在Palti的“Introducción”中讨论。7.黑尔，墨西哥自由主义，27-29岁；Palti，“简介”，16；索托（Laconspiraciónmonárquica），41岁。8.奥戈曼（O'Gorman），《超级生活》，28岁。Elı́asJoséPalti将这一时刻描述为保守主义更激进阶段的开始。帕尔蒂（Palti），“简介”（Introducción），16.奥戈曼（O'Gorman）的著作主张将君主制当做一个保守的政治计划，与自由主义竞争，直至言论自由。