who were sent by the Creator” (47). There are also some statements regarding Haudenosaunee law and governance that suggest a degree of infallibility and perfection that seem, to me, unlikely but also impossible to disprove. One such statement is that “the Peacemaker gave the Haudenosaunee a system that guarantees them a peaceful life” if they follow the principles he spelled out (45). These are indeed statements that reveal bias, but it is self-conscious and explicit on the part of Hill and, I believe, necessary for our profession. Non-Indigenous historians, with our own biases, have dominated the historiography related to Indigenous peoples for such a long time that we absolutely need histories written from Indigenous points of view. Hill gives many examples of White scholars getting their analyses wrong due to unacknowledged biases. Hers is a book written from another point of view that corrects the overwhelming non-Indigenous biases in the literature to date. The Clay We Are Made of has won Best First Book (Native American and Indigenous Studies Association), the Aboriginal History Group Book Prize (Canadian Historical Association), and the Ontario Clio Prize (Canadian Historical Association). It was also shortlisted for the Sir John A. Macdonald Prize (Canadian Historical Association). These are all well-deserved: the book is a major contribution to Indigenous history and the history of Settler-Indigenous relations in Canada and North America. One of Hill’s remarkable successes is to seamlessly integrate Haudenosaunee epics and oral history with archival research. The Clay We Are Made of is not explicitly framed as environmental history, but it should be considered alongside existing environmental history literature. This is also a legal history, a history of multiple legal systems existing side by side, coming increasingly into conflict over time. Historians of women and gender will also want to read this book for the way Hill brings forward the roles of women and the importance of matrilineal thinking for understanding Haudenosaunee history. This book is accessible to a broad audience and is appropriate reading for undergrads and up. Foregrounding the resilience and creativity of the community, The Clay We Are Made of is a forceful retelling of the story of Six Nations of the Grand River and a damning portrait of the way settler colonialism works on the ground. Hill shows the innumerable ways in which a succession of settler governments and people deceived, stole from, lied to, broke promises to, and attempted to utterly destroy the people of Six Nations of the Grand River. As Canadians vigorously debate the legacy of John A. Macdonald and others like him, this book lays down in agonizing detail the countless ways Canada built itself by undermining and destroying Indigenous peoples. A rich, Indigenous history of Six Nations of the Grand River, The Clay We Are Made of is also a powerful indictment of Canada and how it came to possess Indigenous lands.

中文翻译：

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谁控制狩猎？安大略省的原住民，条约权利和野生动物保护，1783-1939年。

谁被造物主派了”（47）。关于Haudenosaunee的法律和治理，也有一些陈述表明一定程度的可靠和完善，在我看来，这似乎不太可能，但也无法予以反驳。一种这样的说法是，如果和平主义者遵循豪德尔索恩尼阐明的原则，“和平主义者就为豪德索纳尼提供了保证他们和平生活的制度”（45）。这些声明确实显示出偏见，但希尔方面是自我意识和明确的，我认为这是我们职业所必需的。长期以来，非土著历史学家一直以自己的偏见统治着与土著人民有关的史学，以至于我们绝对需要从土著观点出发编写历史。希尔列举了许多白人学者由于未获承认的偏见而使分析错误的例子。她的书是从另一种角度写的书，它纠正了迄今为止文学中绝大多数的非土著偏见。《我们的粘土》获得了最佳第一本书（美国原住民和土著研究协会），原住民历史团体书籍奖（加拿大历史协会）和安大略省克里奥奖（加拿大历史协会）。它也入围了约翰·麦克唐纳爵士爵士奖（加拿大历史协会）。这些都是当之无愧的：这本书对加拿大和北美的土著历史以及定居者与土著的关系史做出了重大贡献。希尔的杰出成就之一是将Haudenosaunee史诗和口述历史与档案研究无缝整合。我们所制成的黏土并未明确界定为环境历史，但应与现有的环境历史文献一起考虑。这也是法律史，是多个法律体系并存的历史，随着时间的流逝，冲突越来越多。妇女与性别史学家也将希望读这本书，因为希尔提出了妇女的角色以及母系思想对于理解豪德索奈历史的重要性。这本书可供广大读者阅读，适合本科生及以上的人阅读。《我们被做成的粘土》以社区的复原力和创造力为基础，是对《大河六国》的故事的有力叙述，也是对殖民地殖民主义在地面上工作方式的描述。希尔（Hill）显示了无数的定居者政府和人民被欺骗，偷窃，说谎，违背了诺言，并试图彻底摧毁大河六国的人民。当加拿大人积极地辩论约翰·麦克唐纳（John A. Macdonald）和其他类似人的遗产时，这本书的内容是详细描写加拿大通过破坏和摧毁土著人民建立自己的无数方式。《大地的六国》丰富的土著历史，《我们被制造的粘土》，也是对加拿大及其拥有土著土地的方式的有力起诉。