Split hybrid nouns in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian display two sets of interesting properties: they can bear both natural and grammatical gender, and which gender participates in agreement depends on the number of the noun. While in the singular they invariably trigger natural‐gender (masculine) agreement, optionality between natural‐ and grammatical‐gender (feminine) agreement obtains in the plural. Such nouns pose two theoretical challenges: (i) Agree must be able to operate on two kinds of gender, and (ii) gender must be allowed to interact with number. Previous accounts propose complex mapping between semantic, syntactic, and class features but ultimately cannot derive the obligatoriness of natural‐gender agreement in the singular and natural–grammatical optionality in the plural in a unified way. I provide a Minimalist analysis of hybrid nouns’ agreement, combining the formal tools of feature hierarchies and relativized probing, which derive the obligatoriness of natural gender in the singular, with Cyclic Agree with different orders of Agree operations, which derives the natural–grammatical optionality as intervention effects.

中文翻译：

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性别与数字协议的相互作用：波斯尼亚/克罗地亚/塞尔维亚语的证据

分裂混合名词在波斯尼亚语/克罗地亚语/塞尔维亚语中显示出两套有趣的属性：它们既可以具有自然性别也可以具有语法性别，并且哪种性别参与达成一致取决于名词的数量。虽然单数形式总是触发自然性别（男性）协议，但自然性别和语法性别（女性）协议之间的可选项具有复数形式。这样的名词带来了两个理论上的挑战：（i）同意必须能够对两种性别进行操作，并且（ii）必须允许性别与数字相互作用。先前的论述提出了语义，句法和阶级特征之间的复杂映射，但最终无法以统一的方式得出单数形式的自然性别协议的强制性和复数形式的自然语法可选性。我提供了对混合名词协议的极简分析，