In the United States, more than 1 in 5 households with children are unable to access and provide adequate food for a healthy, active lifestyle. We argue that the contribution of local context for food insecurity risk has largely been overlooked in favor of focusing on individual family characteristics, and that this is problematic given that mitigating food insecurity may be a communal process. We examine the relevance of neighborhood contributors to food insecurity among children, utilizing geocoded and nationally-representative data from the ECLS-K: 2010-2011 kindergarten cohort. We find little evidence that neighborhood socioeconomic, food retail, or social services characteristics directly impact food insecurity risk. However, our results reveal that family and neighborhood socioeconomic characteristics combine to impact food insecurity in ways consistent with a disadvantage paradox. As neighborhood concentrated disadvantage increases, higher-SES families’ risk of food insecurity increases, but lower-SES families’ risk decreases. This paradox is not explained by a higher concentration of social service organizations in more disadvantaged neighborhoods, and we theorize that impoverished families with children may share information and resources in disadvantaged communities to avoid food insecurity. K E Y W O R D S : food insecurity; SES; neighborhood disadvantage; ECLS-K; children. Researchers, policymakers, and citizens alike agree that all children deserve the opportunity to develop and thrive. However, in the United States, one of the wealthiest nations in the world, 1 in 5 children live in poverty, including 24% of all children under the age of 6 (CLASP 2013). Poverty during childhood has immediate and long-term consequences for educational achievement, employment and earnings prospects, and health. Many children growing up in poverty experience these deficits as a result of living in a household that struggles with having enough food. Household food The first and second authors acknowledge support from the University of Kentucky Center for Poverty Research (UKCPR) through funding from the Food and Nutrition Service of the Department of Agriculture (Contract No. AG-3198-S-12-0044) and the first author acknowledges support from the Young Scholars Program of the Foundation for Child Development (FCD) (Grant No. YSP Rice 10-2014). The opinions and conclusions expressed herein are solely those of the authors and should not be construed as representing the opinions or policies of the UKCPR, the FCD, or any agency of the Federal Government. The authors thank Laura Freeman for research assistance and the Kinder Institute Urban Health Program at Rice University for administrative support. Direct correspondence to Justin T. Denney, Washington State University, Department of Sociology, PO Box 644020, Pullman, WA 99164; email: justin.denney@wsu.edu. VC The Author 2017. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Society for the Study of Social Problems. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com 342 Social Problems, 2018, 65, 342–359 doi: 10.1093/socpro/spw054 Advance Access Publication Date: 15 March 2017 Article Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/socpro/article-abstract/65/3/342/3072304 by Washington State University user on 30 July 2018 insecurity, a household’s collective inability to access adequate food for a healthy, active lifestyle, impacts nearly 16% of all households in the U. S. (Coleman-Jensen, Gregory and Singh 2014) and more than one in five households with children (Wight, Thampi and Briggs 2010). More troubling in this post-economic recession era, food insecurity is at the highest level of severity ever measured and has increased over 30% since 2007 despite federal food and nutrition assistance programs aimed at its elimination (Nord et al. 2010). Moreover, it is likely that estimates of the prevalence of food insecurity among households with children are underestimates – given that parents may be reluctant to admit their inability to provide enough food for their families, or are unaware that their children are suffering. One study of adolescents showed wide discrepancies between parentand adolescent-reported accounts of food insecurity (Nord and Hanson 2012), and another mixed-methods study found a similar pattern for children’s accounts of food insecurity (Fram et al. 2013), such that adolescents and children report being food insecure at higher rates than do their parents. The precise nature of how to identify, examine, and alleviate food insecurity is complex. Strategies and current policies to address food insecurity among children have largely focused on families. While these policies may help individual families, to date they have struggled to curtail this enduring problem. We argue that one reason behind stalled progress may be failing to consider the community characteristics that might influence food insecurity, above and beyond individual or family factors. Existing knowledge of who and especially where food insecure children are remains quite limited, as well as how family and community characteristics might combine to influence the risk of food insecurity. We have three primary aims in this paper. First, we document how the neighborhoods of food secure and insecure children differ. Second, we investigate whether and how neighborhood characteristics influence the odds of food insecurity for these households by simultaneously considering the influence of family and neighborhood level characteristics. Finally, we assess how neighborhood characteristics might moderate the powerful influence of family-level SES on a child’s risk of living in a food insecure household. F O O D I N S E C U R I T Y A M O N G C H I L D R E N Scholars interested in poverty and its effects on children should understand that household food insecurity is an indicator of material hardship that has far-reaching implications for children’s development and is social in nature. That is, it is a factor facing families which may be alleviated by collective and reciprocal assistance from entities outside the home: extended family members, other families, neighbors, or social and governmental organizations. Perhaps due in part to collective processes, poverty and food insecurity are strongly related but they are not synonymous. This is evidenced by the many poor families who remain food secure (Gundersen, Kreider, and Pepper 2011). Thus, for scholars interested in social processes related to disadvantage and how it might be mitigated, food insecurity is critical to understand. In this paper, we focus on food insecurity among households with children. Typically, the percentage of households with children who report food insecurity exceeds the percentage of food insecure children because in some households, parents will forego meals to ensure their children receive adequate food. Moreover, qualitative evidence demonstrates that even when parents believe they are shielding their children from the detrimental effects of food insecurity, children still suffer and in fact, take responsibility for implementing complex strategies of their own to mitigate food insecurity for their families (Fram et al. 2011). The consequences of food insecurity for children’s well-being are clearly established (Alaimo et al. 2001; Cook et al. 2004; Gundersen, Kreider and Pepper 2011). Existing research shows that the number of episodes of hunger that children experience is related to their health as they grow (Kirkpatrick, McIntyre and Potestio 2010), indicating that the healthy development of children is associated with not just the presence, but also the severity of food insecurity. Children who Neighborhoods and Food Insecurity in Households with Young Children 343 Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/socpro/article-abstract/65/3/342/3072304 by Washington State University user on 30 July 2018 experience persistent food insecurity during early childhood, for instance, have worse health in adolescence relative to those who never or transiently experience food insecurity (Ryu and Bartfeld 2012). The costs of food insecurity in children extend beyond physical to mental health and academic performance. Detrimental performance in math and reading, loss of school days and repeated grades, behavior or attention problems, special education or mental health counseling, and suicidal or depressive tendencies among adolescents have all been linked to living in food insecure households (Alaimo, Olson and Frongillo 2002; Alaimo, Olson and Frongillo 2001; Jyoti, Frongillo and Jones 2005; Kimbro and Denney 2015; Kleinman et al. 1998; McIntyre et al. 2013; Murphy et al. 1998; Whitaker, Phillips and Orzol 2006). Much research has focused on the household-level characteristics associated with food insecurity. Family structure is an important predictor, with increased risk among households headed by single women (Nord et al. 2010). Maternal factors, including mental health and citizenship statuses (Van Hook and Balistreri 2006), also affect children’s risk of food insecurity. For example, children who have noncitizen mothers have levels of food insecurity nearly twice as high as those with native-born mothers (Kalil and Chen 2008), likely partially due to the families’ ineligibility (or belief of ineligibility) for federal food assistance. In addition, rates of food insecurity are higher than the national average among black and Hispanic households (Nord et al. 2010). As with a number of adult and child well-being outcomes, low socioeconomic status (SES), as indicated through a variety of measures, such as maternal education, family income, and participation in food assistance programs such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP; formerly known as Food Stamps), WIC, or free/reduced breakfast and lunch, are strongly associated with household food insecurity, even after accounting for issues

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有幼儿的家庭的社区和粮食不安全：劣势悖论？

在美国，超过五分之一的有孩子的家庭无法获得并提供足够的食物来维持健康、积极的生活方式。我们认为，当地环境对粮食不安全风险的贡献在很大程度上被忽视，而倾向于关注个人家庭特征，鉴于缓解粮食不安全可能是一个共同的过程，这是有问题的。我们利用来自 ECLS-K：2010-2011 年幼儿园队列的地理编码和具有全国代表性的数据，研究了社区贡献者与儿童粮食不安全的相关性。我们发现几乎没有证据表明社区社会经济、食品零售或社会服务特征直接影响粮食不安全风险。然而，我们的结果表明，家庭和社区的社会经济特征相结合，以与劣势悖论相一致的方式影响粮食不安全。随着邻里集中劣势的增加，高社会经济地位家庭的粮食不安全风险增加，但低社会经济地位家庭的风险降低。这一悖论并不能用社会服务组织更集中在更贫困的社区来解释，我们的理论是，有孩子的贫困家庭可能会在弱势社区共享信息和资源，以避免粮食不安全。关键词：粮食不安全；社会服务部；邻里劣势；ECLS-K；孩子们。研究人员、政策制定者和公民都同意，所有儿童都应该有机会发展和茁壮成长。然而，在美国这个世界上最富有的国家之一，五分之一的儿童生活在贫困中，其中 24% 的 6 岁以下儿童（CLASP 2013）。童年时期的贫困会对教育成就、就业和收入前景以及健康产生直接和长期的影响。许多在贫困中长大的儿童由于生活在一个难以获得足够食物的家庭中而经历了这些赤字。家庭食品 第一和第二作者感谢肯塔基大学贫困研究中心 (UKCPR) 通过农业部食品和营养服务 (合同号 AG-3198-S-12-0044) 和第一作者感谢儿童发展基金会 (FCD) 青年学者计划的支持 (Grant No. YSP Rice 10-2014)。此处表达的观点和结论仅代表作者的观点和结论，不应被解释为代表 UKCPR、FCD 或联邦政府任何机构的观点或政策。作者感谢劳拉弗里曼的研究援助和赖斯大学金德研究所城市健康项目的行政支持。直接联系华盛顿州立大学社会学系 Justin T. Denney，邮政信箱 644020，Pullman, WA 99164；电子邮件：justin.denney@wsu.edu。VC The Author 2017. 牛津大学出版社代表社会问题研究学会出版。版权所有。如需许可，请发送电子邮件至：journals.permissions@oup.com 342 Social Problems, 2018, 65, 342–359 doi: 10.1093/socpro/spw054 Advance Access 出版日期：2017 年 3 月 15 日文章 华盛顿州立大学用户于 2018 年 7 月 30 日从 https://academic.oup.com/socpro/article-abstract/65/3/342/3072304 下载的文章健康、积极的生活方式影响了美国近 16% 的家庭（Coleman-Jensen、Gregory 和 Singh 2014）和超过五分之一的有孩子的家庭（Wight、Thampi 和 Briggs 2010）。在这个后经济衰退时代更令人不安的是，尽管联邦粮食和营养援助计划旨在消除粮食不安全，但粮食不安全处于有史以来的最高严重程度，自 2007 年以来增加了 30% 以上（Nord 等人，2010 年）。而且，鉴于父母可能不愿意承认他们无法为家人提供足够的食物，或者不知道他们的孩子正在遭受苦难，因此对有孩子的家庭中粮食不安全发生率的估计很可能被低估了。一项针对青少年的研究表明，父母和青少年报告的粮食不安全状况存在巨大差异（Nord 和 Hanson，2012 年），另一项混合方法研究发现儿童对粮食不安全状况的表述存在类似模式（Fram 等人，2013 年），因此青少年儿童报告粮食不安全的比率高于他们的父母。如何识别、检查和缓解粮食不安全的确切性质是复杂的。解决儿童粮食不安全问题的战略和现行政策主要侧重于家庭。虽然这些政策可能对个别家庭有所帮助，但迄今为止，他们一直在努力解决这个长期存在的问题。我们认为，进展停滞背后的一个原因可能是没有考虑可能影响粮食不安全的社区特征，而不仅仅是个人或家庭因素。关于粮食不安全儿童是谁，尤其是在哪里，以及家庭和社区特征如何结合起来影响粮食不安全风险的现有知识仍然非常有限。我们在本文中有三个主要目标。首先，我们记录了食物安全和不安全儿童社区的不同之处。其次，我们通过同时考虑家庭和邻里层面特征的影响，调查邻里特征是否以及如何影响这些家庭的粮食不安全几率。最后，我们评估邻里特征如何减轻家庭层面社会经济地位对儿童生活在粮食不安全家庭的风险的强大影响。儿童之间的粮食安全 对贫困及其对儿童的影响感兴趣的学者应该明白，家庭粮食不安全是物质困难的一个指标，对儿童的发展具有深远的影响，并且具有社会性质。也就是说，这是家庭面临的一个因素，可以通过家庭以外实体的集体和互惠援助来缓解：大家庭成员、其他家庭、邻居或社会和政府组织。也许部分是由于集体进程，贫困和粮食不安全密切相关，但它们并不是同义词。许多保持粮食安全的贫困家庭证明了这一点（Gundersen、Kreider 和 Pepper，2011 年）。因此，对于对与劣势相关的社会过程以及如何减轻劣势感兴趣的学者来说，理解粮食不安全至关重要。在本文中，我们关注有孩子的家庭的粮食不安全问题。通常情况下，报告粮食不安全的有孩子的家庭比例超过粮食不安全儿童的比例，因为在一些家庭中，父母会放弃吃饭以确保他们的孩子获得足够的食物。此外，定性证据表明，即使父母认为他们正在保护他们的孩子免受粮食不安全的不利影响，但儿童仍然受苦，事实上，负责实施自己的复杂战略，以减轻家庭的粮食不安全状况（Fram 等人，2011 年）。粮食不安全对儿童福祉的影响已经明确（Alaimo 等，2001；Cook 等，2004；Gundersen、Kreider 和 Pepper，2011）。现有研究表明，儿童经历饥饿的次数与他们成长过程中的健康有关（Kirkpatrick、McIntyre 和 Potestio 2010），表明儿童的健康发展不仅与饥饿的存在有关，而且与饥饿的严重程度有关。粮食不安全。有幼儿的家庭中的邻里儿童和粮食不安全问题 343 下载自 https://academic.oup。com/socpro/article-abstract/65/3/342/3072304 华盛顿州立大学用户于 2018 年 7 月 30 日在儿童早期经历持续的粮食不安全，例如，与从未或暂时经历过粮食不安全的人相比，青春期的健康状况更差（Ryu 和 Bartfeld 2012）。儿童粮食不安全的代价不仅限于身体，还包括心理健康和学习成绩。青少年在数学和阅读方面的不良表现、缺课和重复成绩、行为或注意力问题、特殊教育或心理健康咨询以及自杀或抑郁倾向都与生活在粮食不安全的家庭中有关（Alaimo、Olson 和 Frongillo 2002；Alaimo、Olson 和 Frongillo 2001；Jyoti、Frongillo 和 Jones 2005；Kimbro 和 Denney 2015；Kleinman 等人 1998；McIntyre 等人 2013；墨菲等人。1998年；惠特克、菲利普斯和奥佐尔，2006 年）。许多研究都集中在与粮食不安全相关的家庭层面的特征上。家庭结构是一个重要的预测因素，以单身女性为户主的家庭风险增加（Nord 等人，2010 年）。孕产妇因素，包括心理健康和公民身份（Van Hook 和 Balistreri 2006），也会影响儿童面临粮食不安全的风险。例如，母亲为非公民的孩子的粮食不安全程度几乎是本土母亲的孩子的两倍（Kalil 和 Chen，2008 年），部分原因可能是这些家庭没有资格（或认为没有资格）获得联邦粮食援助。此外，黑人和西班牙裔家庭的粮食不安全率高于全国平均水平（Nord 等人，2010 年）。