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The Foot is not an obligatory constituent of the Prosodic Hierarchy: “stress” in Turkish, French and child English
The Linguistic Review ( IF 0.581 ) Pub Date : 2019-05-27 , DOI: 10.1515/tlr-2016-0008
Öner Özçelik

Abstract This paper proposes that the presence/absence of the Foot is parametric; that is, contra much previous research (see e. g. Selkirk, Elisabeth (1995). Sentence prosody: intonation, stress and phrasing. In J. Goldsmith (ed.) The handbook of phonological theory. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. 550–569., Vogel, Irene (2009). Universals of prosodic structure. In S. Scalise, E. Magni, & A. Bisetto (eds.) Universals of language today. Dordrecht: Springer. 59–82.), it is argued here that the Foot is not a universal constituent of the Prosodic Hierarchy; rather, some languages, such as Turkish and French, as well as early child languages, are footless. Several types of evidence are presented in support of this proposal, from both Turkish and French, as well as child English. A comparison of regular (word-final) and exceptional stress in Turkish reveals, for example, that regular “stress” is intonational prominence falling on the last syllable of prosodic words in the absence of foot structure. Both acoustic and formal evidence are presented in support of this proposal, as well as evidence from syntax-prosody interface. The paper also presents evidence for the footless status of French, which, unlike Turkish, is proposed to be completely footless. Several arguments are presented in support of this position, such as the fact that, in French, the domain of obligatory prominence is the Phonological Phrase (PPh), not the Prosodic Word (PWd); in a PPh consisting of several PWds, therefore, nonfinal PWds can surface without any kind of stress or prominence, suggesting that, at least for non-final PWds, one cannot assume stress or foot structure. Finally, the proposal is extended to additional languages, such as those demonstrating Default-to-Opposite Edge stress.

中文翻译:

脚不是韵律等级体系的强制组成部分:土耳其语,法语和儿童英语中的“压力”

摘要本文提出脚的存在与否是参数化的。这与以前的研究相反(见Selkirk,Elisabeth(1995)。句子韵律:语调,重音和短语。在J. Goldsmith编辑)语音理论手册,剑桥,马萨诸塞州:Blackwell,550–569。 ,Vogel,Irene(2009)。韵律结构的普遍性。在S. Scalise,E。Magni和A. Bisetto(ed。)今天的语言普遍性。Dordrecht:Springer。59-82。)中,有人认为脚部不是韵律体系的普遍组成部分;相反,某些语言(如土耳其语和法语)以及幼儿语言都没有话语权。土耳其和法国以及儿童英语提供了几种支持该建议的证据。例如,对土耳其语中的常规重音(词尾)和特殊重音的比较显示,常规“重音”是国际化的突出,落在韵律词的最后一个音节上,而没有脚部结构。为支持该提议,还提供了声学和形式证据以及语法-韵律界面的证据。该文件还提供了法国人脚下状态的证据,与土耳其人不同,法国人建议完全不脚下脚。有人提出了一些支持这一立场的论据,例如,在法语中,强制性突出的领域是语音短语(PPh),而不是韵律词(PWd)。因此,在由几个PWds组成的PPh中,非最终PWds可以无任何应力或突出地浮出水面,这表明,至少对于非最终PWds,人们无法承受压力或脚部结构。最后,该提议被扩展到其他语言,例如那些表明“默认到相反边缘”压力的语言。
更新日期:2019-05-27
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