Abstract We investigate how saturation of different theta-roles by the non-head constituent correlates with derivational suffixes and, in turn, with the event structures compatible with those suffixes. We also investigate XP realisations of themes, causers and instruments in deverbal nominal and participial constructions and which ±agentive and/or ±process/episodic sub-readings allow which type of argument. It turns out that for each theta-role, the contexts that allow an XP realisation are exactly the complement of the contexts that would allow compounding of that same theta-role. We take this complementarity to be an indirect argument in favour of (i) divorcing argument licensing from argument selection and (ii) dissociating argument introduction from event-structure-related heads, which then potentially reaffirms the role of roots in (first phase) syntax.

中文翻译：

---

选择根：复合视图

摘要我们研究了由非头部组成的不同θ-饱和度与衍生后缀以及与这些后缀兼容的事件结构之间的关系。我们还研究了在言语名义和参与结构中主题，原因和工具的XP实现，以及±或±过程/事件副读允许哪种类型的论证。事实证明，对于每个theta-role，允许XP实现的上下文是上下文的补充，该上下文将允许复合相同的thero-role。我们将这种互补性视为间接论点，赞成（i）将论点许可与论点选择分开，以及（ii）将论点引入与与事件结构相关的负责人分开，