Abstract In several Romance languages, including Catalan, Spanish, Asturian and Neapolitan, several verbs (‘phone’, ‘answer’, ‘shoot’, ‘rob’, among others) can take a dative- or accusative-marked complement. I argue that this alternation is indeed a transition from dative to accusative; that is, it is a process of syntactic change, with different stages of evolution depending on the dialectal or even idiolectal variety. The relevant verbs, being a priori dative-taking intransitive verbs, are analyzed as unergatives, made up of a light verb and a nominal, ‘phone= do+phone call’. When the complement ‘to somebody’ is added, a ditransitive structure is obtained, where I assume that the direct (‘phone call’) and the indirect (‘to somebody’) objects are related via an applicative head. The properties of this functional applicative head allow me to explain the change from dative to accusative case in the first stages of syntactic change. Likewise, I show that the completion of the syntactic change results in a true transitivization of the structure.

中文翻译：

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从宾语到宾格。浪漫的句法变化

摘要在加泰罗尼亚语，西班牙语，阿斯图里亚斯语和那不勒斯语等几种罗曼语语言中，一些动词（“电话”，“答案”，“射击”，“抢”等）可以带宾语或宾语标记的补语。我认为这种交替确实是从从宾格到宾格的过渡。就是说，这是一个句法变化的过程，根据方言或什至是方言的变化而具有不同的演化阶段。相关动词是先验语气的非及物动词，被分析为单义词，由轻动词和名词性的“ phone = do + phone call”组成。当添加“对某人”的补语时，将获得双传递结构，在该结构中，我假设直接（“电话”）和间接（“对某人”）对象是通过应用头关联的。这个功能性应用头的性质使我能够解释在句法变化的第一阶段从从宾格到宾格的变化。同样，我表明语法变化的完成导致结构的真正过渡。