Abstract This article discusses four properties of Spanish aspectual se constructions. 1. The telicity inducing effects of se; 2. The ungrammaticality of bare noun direct objects; 3. Leísta Spanish Person Case Constraint (PCC) repairs; and 4. A central/terminal coincidence relation between the direct object and the subject. I show that aspectual se does not induce telicity with stative VPs. The ungrammaticality of bare noun direct objects results from the direct object functioning as an ‘inner subject’ of a complex predicate formed by the verb and a null preposition, the complement of which is a pro coreferential with the external argument. The semantics of the null P plus verb give rise to a central/terminal coincidence relation between the direct object and the complement of P. Moreover, I argue that the null pro moves to Spec, Appl and functions as an indirect object. In this respect, aspectual se is an indirect object reflexive. The resulting structure, moreover, is fundamentally a double object construction, a construction in which PCC effects are known to hold.

中文翻译：

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西班牙方面的se作为间接的反身对象：atelicity，裸名词和leístaPCC修复的导入

摘要本文讨论了西班牙方面se结构的四个属性。1.硒的诱导性；2.裸名词直接宾语的不合语法性；3.修理Leísta西班牙人案件约束（PCC）；4.直接物体与主体之间的中心/终端重合关系。我表明，方面se不会诱导静态VP的沉默。裸名词直接宾语的不合语法性是由于直接宾语充当由动词和空介词构成的复杂谓词的“内部主语”，其补语是与外部论证的亲相关。空P加动词的语义在直接宾语和P的补语之间产生了中心/末尾的重合关系。而且，我认为空专业人员会转向Spec，应用并用作间接对象。在这方面，方面本身是间接的对象反身。而且，所得到的结构从根本上说是双重物体结构，已知其中PCC效应可以保持的结构。