Abstract The surface realization of a linguistic expression can often be predicted from the form of paradigmatically related items that are not contained within it: in Latin, the nominative singular of a noun can often be inferred from the genitive; in French, the final consonant of a prenominal masculine adjective in liaison can typically be predicted from the feminine; in Romanian, the plural form of a noun determines whether its stem will exhibit palatalization before the derivational suffix /-ist/. Such instances of phonological paradigmatic dependence without containment have been claimed to challenge cyclic models of the morphosyntax-phonology interface. In this article, however, they are shown to be established indirectly through the acquisition of underlying representations. This approach correctly predicts that phonological paradigmatic dependencies are never systematically extended to new items if they involve suppletive allomorphy rather than regular alternation, whilst those surface phonological properties of derivatives that are under strict phonotactic control evade paradigmatic dependence on the inflectional forms of their bases. Theories relying on surface-to-surface computation fail to recover these empirical predictions because they are inherently nonmodular, positing generalizations that promiscuously mix phonological, morphosyntactic, and lexical information. Underlying representations, therefore, remain indispensable as a means of establishing a necessary modular demarcation between regular phonology and suppletive allomorphy.

中文翻译：

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捍卫基本表述：拉丁美洲的种族主义，法国联络人，罗马尼亚的pal板化

摘要语言表达的表面实现通常可以从其内不包含的范式相关项目的形式进行预测：在拉丁语中，名词的名词单数通常可以从属格推论得出；在法语中，通常可以从女性中预测出联络中的阳性男性形容词的最终辅音；在罗马尼亚语中，名词的复数形式确定其词干是否在派生后缀/ -ist /之前显示出palatalization。没有限制的语音范式依赖性的这种实例已被要求挑战形态语法-语音学接口的循环模型。但是，在本文中，它们显示是通过获取基础表示间接建立的。这种方法正确地预测，如果音韵范式依赖性涉及柔顺的同形异形而不是规则的交替，则它们永远不会系统地扩展到新项目，而在严格的音律控制下的衍生物的那些表面音韵特性规避了其基础的拐点形式的范式依赖性。依赖于表面到表面计算的理论无法恢复这些经验预测，因为它们本质上是非模块化的，从而提出了将语音，形态句法和词汇信息混杂在一起的概括。因此，作为在常规音韵学和补充同音异义之间建立必要的模块分界的一种手段，底层表示仍然是必不可少的。