Abstract This paper aims to account for peculiar binding properties of non-nominative arguments of Polish psychological predicates focusing on accusative Object Experiencers (hence, OE). It has been observed that although Polish anaphors are subject oriented, they can be bound by accusative experiencers (Bondaruk and Szymanek 2007; Tajsner 2008; Wiland 2016). At the same time, these arguments, unlike nominative subjects, are also proper antecedents for both reflexive and pronominal possessives. This mixed behaviour poses a puzzle for the traditional formulation of Binding Theory (Chomsky 1981, 1986; Manzini and Wexler 1987; Rappaport 1986; Willim 1986/1989; Reinders-Machowska 1991), which assumes complementarity between anaphors and pronominals in their local domains and plainly states that the subject is the privileged binder in Slavic. We base our analysis on a number of recent proposals, including Hicks (2009), Safir (2014) and Nikolaeva (2014), following Hestvik (1992). The proposal implements the concept of binding as (upward) Agree as well as Index Raising (IR), where the head of the anaphoric/pronominal element (henceforth the index) is (covertly) moved and adjoined to v or T. Lexicalisation and distribution of anaphoric and pronominal elements is determined by two factors: the movement of the index and the case position of the binder.

中文翻译：

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协议约束力和索引提升：波兰的宾语宾语体验者案例

摘要本文旨在解释波兰语心理谓语的非主语性论据的特殊绑定特性，这些主语集中于宾语宾语体验者（因此，OE）。已经观察到，尽管波兰语的照应是面向主题的，但它们可能会受到有经验的经验者的束缚（Bondaruk和Szymanek 2007； Tajsner 2008； Wiland 2016）。同时，这些论点与主格不同，也是反身和代词所有格的适当先行条件。这种混杂的行为给传统的约束理论表述（Chomsky 1981，1986; Manzini and Wexler 1987; Rappaport 1986; Willim 1986/1989; Reinders-Machowska 1991）带来了困惑，该假设假定了指称和代词在其当地领域和明确指出，该主题是斯拉夫语中的特权结合者。我们的分析基于Hestvik（1992）之后的许多近期建议，包括Hicks（2009），Safir（2014）和Nikolaeva（2014）。该提案实现了“向上同意”和“索引提升”（IR）的绑定概念，其中，隐喻/代词元素（此后称为索引）的头被（隐含地）移动并邻接到v或T。词汇化和分布隐喻和代词元素的大小取决于两个因素：索引的移动和活页夹的封面位置。