This paper investigates two puzzles regarding property concept (PC) lexemes (Dixon in Where have all the adjectives gone? And other essays in semantics and syntax. Mouton, The Hague, 1982) in Mandarin: why degree modifiers such as hen ‘very’ are compatible with gradable adjectives such as gao ‘tall’ as well as PC nominals such as zhihui ‘wisdom’, but not with concrete mass nouns such as shui ‘water’ in simple declarative clauses, and why degree modifiers are obligatory to block comparative interpretation in sentences with gradable adjectives and possessive PC nominal phrases. I demonstrate the data of PC nominals in possessive constructions with positive and comparative interpretations. Following Francez and Koontz-Garboden (Semantics and morphosyntactic variation: qualities and the grammar of property concepts. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2017), I argue that PC nominals and other mass nouns in Mandarin are semantically distinct in such a way that the latter lack inherent measures. Furthermore, I argue that gradable adjectives and possessive PC nominal phrases are model-theoretically equivalent. Moreover, I propose that degree modifiers such as hen are compulsory to block comparative interpretations in PC sentences because possessive PC phrases are Adjective Phrases and require an overt degree modifier or a covert comparative operator to satisfy the T[+ V] constraint in Mandarin proposed by Grano (Nat Lang Linguist Theory 30:513–565, 2012).

中文翻译：

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普通话中的名义财产概念和物质占有

本文研究了关于普通话的属性概念（PC）词素（狄克逊在哪里所有形容词都去了？以及其他有关语义和语法的论文，莫顿，海牙，1982年）的两个难题：为什么像母鸡“非常”这样的程度修饰语是与可分级的形容词（例如高） “高”兼容，以及与PC名词（例如“ zhihui ”（“智慧”））兼容，但与具体的质量名词（例如shui）不兼容简单陈述语中的“水”，以及为什么修饰语必须强制阻止具有可分级形容词和所有格PC名词短语的句子中的比较解释。我用肯定和比较的解释来证明所有格结构中PC标称的数据。继Francez和Koontz-Garboden（语义学和词法变体：质量和属性概念的语法。牛津大学出版社，牛津，2017年）之后，我认为普通话中的PC名词和其他质量名词在语义上是不同的，后者缺乏内在的措施。此外，我认为可分级形容词和所有格PC名词短语在模型理论上是等效的。而且，我建议像母鸡这样的学位修饰语 必须强制阻止PC句子中的比较解释，因为所有格的PC短语都是形容词短语，并且需要明显的修饰语或秘密的比较算符才能满足Grano提出的普通话中的T [+ V]约束（Nat Lang Linguist Theory 30：513– 565，2012）。